Author name: The Link

Crafting fantasies in high heel boots

Mistress Ayverie perches on the plush black throne in her dungeon. Photo Victoria Vervelsky

India Das-Brown & Anya Tchernikov,
Local Journalism Initiative

Is sex work art? Those who live it every day can provide some answers

Mistress Ayverie greets us in a silk robe at the entrance of her dungeon with a hug and, later, cups of mint tea.

A professional dominatrix, musician, hypnotist and bonafide sadist, Ayverie has set up a cozy space with cushions, candles and incense in a corner of her dungeon, where we sit and ask her what initially drew her to the career of a professional dominatrix.

“I knew you’d ask that. Of course,” she laughs, and launches into a description of her younger, naive former self with no BDSM background, who was intrigued by the concept of dominance.

Initially introduced to the scene when she joined a website for dating wealthy men, Ayverie was often asked by men on the site if she was “dominant.”

“I always immediately said yes without question. I didn’t have to think about it,” Ayverie recalls. “But that got me thinking, obviously, ‘What do they mean by that?’”

From that point on, Ayverie began to explore how she could become a professional dominatrix. 

“[Domination] was fun for me, but I had no idea what the ramifications were psychologically when delving into this play,” Ayverie says, describing what is known as “top space,” where the dominant gets a rush or high from the feeling of power. 

“I could be dark, whereas in normal life that would be unacceptable, especially for a woman,” she says. 

Ayverie began to fly back and forth between Montreal and New York to attend BDSM workshops. Shortly thereafter, she connected with a mentor in Los Angeles, where she enrolled in a dominatrix academy run by Mistress Damiana Chi, who holds a PhD in clinical psychology.

“I honestly thought it was going to be easy to become a dominatrix,” Ayverie says as she pours us tea from a little pot. “Couldn’t be further from the truth. […] It was like six months of intensive training, essentially.”

Ayverie describes the fluid and artistic nature of domination. When she first watched Chi embody the strong goddess energy of the dominatrix, Ayverie was almost brought to tears by the empowerment. 

“It was so beautiful to see and so elegant and not really what I expected,” she says.

Now, after spending much time reading books and attending another dominatrix academy, this time in Montreal, Ayverie feels she is at the point where she gets to play freely with her own creative flavour as a dominatrix. As a musician and performer, she explores musicality in her sessions. She also plans to mix performative art and video art with her music and BDSM in the future.

Having studied clinical hypnotherapy, Ayverie also integrates BDSM as a powerful healing modality, with both erotic and general hypnosis being common kinks in the BDSM community.

“When you understand a submissive’s psychology, or even just a kinkster’s psychology, it’s really easy to break them,” she laughs.

BDSM is like adult playtime, according to Ayverie. Her dungeon, equipped with a plush black throne, a large cage and a row of floggers, paddles and whips, among other toys and equipment, is like a dark and kinky playground for those who are of legal age.

“[BDSM] is inherently creative because we are playing with fantasy, imagination and literal toys,” Ayverie says. “There are endless ways to be creative as a domme, especially because every play partner is different.”

For Ayverie, her work is performance art, but it’s not performative in the sense that it feels like acting or role play―it’s also real, raw and at times surreal.

“Essentially what you’re doing as a dominatrix is you’re creating this world,” she says. “It’s like another dimension that [the sub] enters. […] You slowly take away their old reality, their old self, like stripping it down layer by layer until they’re nothing. And then you kind of own their mind in that time.”

Ayverie’s work also plays with taboo and creates a safe space for things that generally bring the sub shame. This space allows clients to feel seen for who they truly are at their core. 

“It’s this energy of this container that you’re creating,” Ayverie says. “We enter it and we play and dance in that container. And at the end, you slowly bring them back to reality. […] You’re exposing them and it’s scary for them, but ultimately they feel held and they feel safe.”

While Ayverie considers her work as a dominatrix to be an art, other sex workers feel that their work is labour done for financial survival.

“You can find art in horniness,” says Blaire Monroe, an escort who was granted a pseudonym for safety concerns, “but taking something that is unequivocally like a job, it’s kind of like if you walked up to a construction worker and you were like, ‘Isn’t construction work kind of art?’ It’s like, sure, architecture is, but that’s not what I’m doing.” 

Monroe previously worked in a trans-only brothel and has since switched to seeing a private list of “johns,” or clients who seek out prostitutes.

“Classifying those practices of burlesque or queer club performance or sex work is deeply marginalizing and dangerous,” Monroe says. “[Saying] ‘It’s art’ is deeply fetishistic and gentrifying.”

Wolf Storme, who was also granted a pseudonym for safety concerns, has experience selling sexual pictures, videos and clips, but now works primarily as a burlesque performer in Montreal.

“For a lot of people, I think [sex work] is a lot more about survival,” Storme says, “but I was able to make it into art.”

The classification of sex work as art is a hot topic in the contemporary art world, with Anna Uddenberg’s famous work Continental Breakfast making the rounds. The exhibit consists of women dressed as flight attendants walking through a gallery space, with velvet rope tied between the audience and upside-down chairs. The women sit on the chairs behind the velvet rope, in unmistakably erotic positions, face down, ass up, facing the spectator.

Sexuality is endlessly fashionable and risqué in the art world, but Monroe wonders what is done beyond the institutional usage of its aesthetics. With this in mind, she argues that we must ask if the art made about this subject is a sanitized perspective on what modern, digital and sometimes aggressive sexualization does.

For Monroe, it’s unpopular but necessary to talk about the nature of a culture that sells sex and puts workers in harm’s way without acknowledging why clients seek them out in the first place.

“Everyone exists within a tapestry; you can’t be completely devoid of art,” Monroe says. “When you look at the porn industry as art […] they used to be artistic products, now they’re just kind of like jerk-off material. […] What a man wants out of a sex worker is highly influenced by the art of the porn industry. And, what I have to contend with, and do daily, is influenced by art and culture that is happening.”

In a world where sex work is inevitable—at times a survival practice, at times therapeutic and at other times an art—one thing remains clear: safety, professionalism and open discourse are paramount.

“My work is here to […] empower and heal people to be in balance and to be fully expressed, and envision the life of their dreams,” Ayverie says as we finish the last of our tea. “I’ve had a challenging background in my life, as most people do, and what I’m doing right now is building my dream life. And then I’m able to say to other people […] that you can have your dream life too.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 4, published October 22, 2024.

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CSU council candidates call out Students for Better

CSU council candidates are calling out S4B. Photo Maria Cholakova

Maria Cholakova,
Local Journalism Initiative

The group is being accused of using student campaigning material without permission

New group Students for Better (S4B) has been accused of using student councillor campaigning materials without permission from the Concordia Student Union (CSU).

At 10:43 a.m. on March 8, S4B posted a campaign photo of Adam Mills, a candidate running for the CSU general elections, on Instagram. The post featured a screenshot of Mills’s campaign promises alongside his portrait and the caption “Adam is committed to better.” 

When Mills woke up in the morning, he said he was bombarded with messages from his friends who were asking about the post. He told The Link that he had not given S4B permission to use his photo and that he did not want an endorsement from the anonymous group. 

After finding out, Mills commented under the post and told the group to delete the endorsement. His comment was hidden. 

Around 45 minutes later, after Mills called out the group on his personal Instagram, a number of students started commenting to demand S4B take down the post. 

The post was deleted a few hours later.

Mills said he found the endorsement problematic, in part due to S4B being an anonymous group trying to influence the results of the election. 

“[S4B is] a third party [and] nobody knows who they are,” Mills said. “Imagine there was an outside company trying to get a contract from the CSU. They could easily influence the CSU in that way and get some councillors on board and some executives on board and easily get a contract.” 

He added that he also did not want to be associated with the company because he doesn’t know what their end goal is. 

Mills isn’t the only student who had not permitted their image to be used. Kinsey El Tanani, a student running for CSU council, was also endorsed by S4B. Her post was originally taken down on March 8 and reposted again on March 10 without her consent, and then taken down again. 

El Tanani told The Link that she found the endorsement troubling. 

“I believe I was targeted because I am Arab and less vocal about my political opinions compared to other candidates,” El Tanani said. “At no point was I asked for permission to be featured, nor did I ever indicate support for any of the propaganda S4B is spreading against the CSU.”

What do we (not) know about S4B? 

In mid-February, S4B started posting on Concordia University’s subreddit account r/Concordia, criticizing the CSU and urging people to vote in the upcoming CSU elections. Students reported seeing the organization’s sponsored posts on both Instagram and Reddit. 

On March 6, the group also had a paid advertisement at the Guy-Concordia metro station that read: “The CSU puts Concordia’s credibility in danger.”

The group is yet to disclose its finances publicly. 

According to S4B’s website, the organization’s mission is to push “for real leadership – seeking financial transparency, fighting for affordability and inclusivity, and ensuring that student government works for all students, not just a select few.”

S4B’s website also reads that the group “is a grassroots initiative driven by a group of students, alumni, and community members who share a deep commitment to fostering a productive environment for students on college campuses.”

However, S4B is yet to publicize who is running the group behind the scenes.

Mills thinks S4B’s involvement in the elections is a sign of the political climate on campus. 

“The administration’s always already [putting] into question the validity of how the CSU governs itself and its elections,” Mills said. “This certainly doesn’t help the legitimacy of the CSU.”

The Link has reached out to S4B for comment. At the time of publication, the organization is yet to reply. 

According to a promotional ad on Instagram, S4B is allegedly using advertising agency Mash Strategy, a firm based out of Calgary, Alberta. According to the CBC, the business is a “consulting firm that has done work for various conservative parties and leaders.” 

The Link has reached out to Mash Strategy to confirm their involvement with S4B. At the time of publication, the organization is yet to reply. 

This is a developing story. 

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CSU holds first RCM of the year

The CSU held its first RCM on Sept. 18. Photo Ireland Compton

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Guest speaker presentations dominated the discussion

The Concordia Student Union (CSU) held its first regular council meeting (RCM) of the Fall 2024 semester on Sept. 18.

The RCM officially began at 6:36 p.m. and lasted over three hours. There were 11 points on the agenda, but the majority were pushed to the following meeting due to the length of the guest speaker’s presentations. The council heard four presentations, details of which follow. 

Concordia Food Coalition food mobilization campaign

Intern and speaker for the Concordia Food Coalition Mia Kennedy put forth a referendum question to be included in the next CSU by-elections. The question aims to empower the CSU to make three demands of Concordia. 

The demands are that the university implement a food policy that centres around social and environmental justice, supports food initiatives that boost community well-being, and abolishes exclusive food contracts with multinationals such as Aramark

The motion passed unanimously.

Queer Concordia gender-affirming care pilot project

Queer Concordia senior coordinator Jessica Winton presented the group’s pilot project that aims to give Concordia students seeking gender-affirming care access to interest-free loans. The CSU’s current insurance plan covers $5,000 per procedure, has a $10,000 lifetime maximum and has no pay-direct coverage, according to the CSU website

Winton asked for $100,000 from various committees, including the Mental Health Committee, the BIPOC Committee and the Finance Committee, to be allocated to the loan project. 

Speakers from the Community-University Research Exchange and the Centre for Gender Advocacy spoke in favour of the motion. 

CSU finance coordinator Souad El Ferjani said that allocating $100,000 to this project would place the CSU’s budget in a bad position. According to CSU general coordinator Kareem Rahaman, groups seeking funding from CSU committees must apply directly to the individual committees. However, Winton said that she had received no response after trying to get in contact with different committees for close to a month.

The proposal was passed to the Finance Committee for further review.

ASFA – Student Spaces fund

Queer Concordia wasn’t the only student organization on campus requesting funds from the CSU. The Arts and Science Federation of Associations (ASFA) asked for $35,000 in funds from the Student Space, Accessible Education, and Legal Contingency Fund. The funds would be used for furniture and office upgrades for both ASFA and its member associations. 

Councillor Sarah Wolman motioned to request more information from ASFA as well as a budget breakdown on how exactly the student association will spend this money. 

The motion passed unanimously.

Studentcare legal essentials service agreement

Former CSU councillor Dave Plant proposed a motion to immediately cancel the Studentcare legal essentials service agreement, an addition to the existing Studentcare coverage that allows students to consult a lawyer and access legal representation.

Plant raised concerns with the contract the union had signed with Studentcare, CSU’s insurance provider. Concerns were mainly regarding the fact that Studentcare can select the law firm that will deliver legal services; Studentcare can become a minority shareholder of the selected law firm; and because Studentcare assumes no responsibility for the quality of the legal essentials programs the law firm provides. 

The CSU created a new standing committee to review the Studentcare contract. The committee will be dissolved following the end of the contract review. 

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CSU consent agenda modified following injunction

Photo Nikolas Litzenberger

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The StartUp Nation filed an injunction against the student union following a decision to revoke its club status

The Concordia Student Union (CSU) held its latest regular council meeting (RCM) on Dec. 11. The evening was marked by the removal of two items from the consent agenda following an injunction filed by The StartUp Nation against the student union.

A majority of councillors were present at the meeting, which lasted a little over 30 minutes. Due to exam conflicts, two councillors and two executive members had sent their notice of absence to the chairperson prior to the start of the RCM. 

Council motioned to accept all of the absences and the motion passed unanimously. 

Consent agenda 

External affairs and mobilization coordinator Danna Ballantyne read out a statement on behalf of the executive team to remove two items from the consent agenda: The ratification of the minutes of the Clubs and Spaces Committee meeting held on Dec. 4, and of the minutes of the CSU policy committee meeting held on Dec. 5. 

She also motioned not to present to council the ratification of either item before the RCM scheduled for Jan. 22, 2025. 

On Dec. 4, at the Clubs and Spaces Committee meeting, councillors unanimously voted in favour of a motion to revoke The StartUp Nation’s club status. 

This decision came following the club’s violation of Concordia’s Policy on the Temporary Use of University Space; CSU policies on space usage; and section 2.2.4 of their own constitution, which states that “the club shall be subjected to both the [CSU] Code of Conduct and Concordia’s Code of Rights and Responsibilities.”

As per the meeting minutes, 12 complaints were filed to the CSU against The StartUp Nation due to tabling events held on Nov. 8 and Dec. 3. During the latter, the club had invited a non-approved community member—former Israel Defense Forces soldier Yoseph Haddad—onto campus, leading to a counter-protest by pro-Palestine students. 

According to point 3.1 of the CSU policy on clubs, the Clubs and Space Committee can make a recommendation to council to remove an official club’s status when it has not acted in accordance with its constitution or CSU by-laws, regulation and policy. 

During the policy committee meeting on Dec. 5, councillors motioned to modify point 3.1 of the policy so that the internal affairs coordinator may also recommend to council to revoke a club’s official status. 

For motions passed during committee meetings to be ratified by the student union, they must first be approved by council. Minutes from previous committee meetings are sent to councillors prior to the start of every RCM and they are able to debate on their ratification when voting on the approval of the consent agenda. 

According to the executives’ statement, the decision to remove the two items from the consent agenda was made following legal proceedings brought by The StartUp Nation. 

“This has required us to redirect extensive amounts of student money towards legal fees where an internal resolution could’ve been made between both parties,” Ballantyne said. 

The Israeli club believes that the motion issued by the Clubs and Spaces Committee on Dec. 4 is invalid. According to an Instagram post made the day after the RCM, The StartUp Nation called the fact that both items were originally added to the consent agenda “unlawful and undemocratic,” claiming that the CSU had violated point 3.1 of the policy on clubs.  

The motion to amend the consent agenda passed unanimously. 

Meeting disruption 

Following the amendment, an unknown individual disrupted the Zoom meeting by sharing their screen and playing a video of a man spewing transphobic rhetoric. The chairperson removed the individual from the meeting.

A councillor later requested that the chairperson remove another individual from the meeting as the councillor claimed that they were showing inappropriate things on their screen. This individual was also removed. 

Request for clarification 

Councillor Aron Kessel asked for the executive team to elaborate on the statement read by Ballantyne, mainly regarding the reallocation of funds towards legal fees. 

Academic and advocacy coordinator Vanessa Massot clarified that relocation of funds is associated with the legal fees incurred in dealing with  an impending application for an injunction. 

Following Kessel’s request for further elaboration, Massot said that the CSU’s lawyers had advised members of the executive team not to discuss the matter further and that the specific legal document had already been sent to all councillors. 

This is a developing story.

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Reggies gets a facelift

Reggies reopened for the 2024-25 school year with brand new artwork. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

New menus, decor and cocktails bring in increased student clientele

After a complete redesign, new menus and longer opening hours, Concordia University’s student bar, Reggies, is reshaping its image. This comes after years of financial controversy. 

Operations manager Alex Rona said that Reggies’ old sterile interior was one of the main reasons why the bar was no longer appealing to students. 

“It had to be done,” Rona said. “The whole place was neglected and we needed to bring it up to par to get to that next step of Reggies.”

Over the summer, the space was fully remodelled. Rona and the managing team replaced some of the old furniture and worked with local artists to decorate the restaurant and bathroom walls.  According to Rona, they plan to add more to the space in the future. 

In 2011, the student bar was deemed “un-auditable” by an accounting firm and separated from the Concordia Student Union (CSU) in 2015 to become a solidarity cooperative. 

In 2023, Reggies faced another financial crisis after taking out loans to stay afloat during the COVID-19 pandemic. 

“In 2023 when I [first] started, it became pretty apparent within, like, a week that Reggies was not going to be able to reopen in September of 2023 if it didn’t get a bailout,” said Eduardo Malorni, the current general manager of Reggies who was hired to evaluate the bar’s finances in 2023.

According to CSU general coordinator Kareem Rahaman, Reggies approached the student union and asked for a sum of money to stay afloat. After an uncertain future, Reggies was able to reopen for the 2023-24 school year and effectively broke even by the end of the academic year.

Reggies financial reports from June to October 2024 show that the bar turned a profit for two out of the three months provided for the fall semester. According to Malorni, they are on track to end the school year in the green.  
Reggies is now open for breakfast, lunch and dinner and hosts several events from Tuesday Trivia to Thirsty Thursday, with DJs and discounted drinks. For Rona, that diversity in offerings is important to make all kinds of students feel welcome at Reggies.

“We want Reggies to be the number one spot for events on campus,” Rona said. “It’s really creating that community on campus, which I think is really vital to your university experience.”

According to Malorni, the changes made over the summer, such as the new signature cocktail list with offerings like the Shuttle Bus and the St. Germain Spritz, have been very successful for the bar, with cocktails becoming one of their best sellers. 

As a solidarity cooperative, no single person owns Reggies, which Malorni says allows them to offer students lower prices compared to other downtown businesses. 

“We’re not trying to scam students, we’re giving you the best price,” Malorni said. “Yes, I have to cover my costs, but if I make a huge profit, that doesn’t come to me and it doesn’t go to anywhere else, it just stays in Reggies.” 
Rona said he knows that past financial scandals have left a stain on Reggies’ reputation, but he wants students to know that the bar is changing. 

“If there is something I want to reiterate, it would be: We’ve changed, we’re different now, those were things that happened in the past,” Rona said. “If you’re a Concordia student, there’s a spot for you somewhere in Reggies.” 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 7, published January 14, 2025.

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Councillors vote for a special fee levy referendum

The Concordia Student Union council voted to hold a special fee levy referendum. Photo Maria Cholakova

Geneviève Sylvestre
Local Journalism Initiative

The fee levy committee will reconvene to reassess applications for an upcoming special election

During the latest Concordia Student Union (CSU) regular council meeting (RCM) on March 12, councillors voted in favour of a motion to hold a special fee levy referendum.

“Due to the time constraints of us trying to accept or review the applications during the SCM, some mistakes were made considering some of the applications, so they were wrongfully denied on the fee levy committee’s end,” said CSU student life coordinator and co-chair of the fee levy committee Moad Alhjooj.

Delayed motion to recess 

The meeting began around 6:30 p.m. with the approval of the agenda. As it is the month of Ramadan, the passing of the agenda was followed by a vote for a 33 minute recess to allow councillors to break their fast at 6:56 p.m. 

During Ramadan, Iftar is the meal enjoyed after fasting that begins at Maghrib (sunset) every day. 

After a councillor motioned for council to take a 33 minute break, councillor Drew Sylver asked to amend the motion. 

“I’m thinking a 33 minute break […] is not sufficient, especially considering everyone who is fasting. So, just to consider, I actually wanted to shift to motion to adjourn,” Sylver said.

The chairperson clarified that both a motion to recess and to amend are non debatable motions so, after a councillor seconded Sylver’s motion, the council voted on the motion to adjourn. 

The motion to adjourn failed three to 14. 

Council then proceeded to vote on the motion to recess, which passed unanimously. However, due to the last minute confusion, the motion passed at 6:57 p.m., a minute after the start of Iftar. 

Fee levy committee

Once council reconvened, councillors voted on appointing a councillor to the fee levy committee. 

Three councillors nominated themselves for the position: Liora Hechel, Norah Finlay and Chana Leah Natanblut. 

Councillor Aron Kessel asked council if they should take into account that the standing regulation recommends that each councilor sit on at least one standing committee when possible. 

In fact, according to the CSU Policy on Executive, Council of Representatives, and Committees, “each Councilor, when possible, shall sit on at least two (2) standing committees.”

The chairperson answered that councillors should sit on a maximum of two committees, but that otherwise the policy serves more-so as a general recommendation. 

Finlay was appointed to the committee with 15 votes in her favour.   

Reading week motion

Following the appointments, Hechel presented her motion to change the start of reading week to the Saturday before reading week. 

According to Hechel, the change in start date would be to avoid professors scheduling exams during the weekend, which can put students going home for Thanksgiving in a difficult situation. 

Hechel shared how one of her midterms was moved to the Sunday before Thanksgiving two weeks prior to the start of reading-week. 

“I had to postpone and pay a heavy fee on my flight home to Switzerland because I got the decision between either getting a zero or I’d have to move my flight,” said Hechel.

Ballantyne said that this motion would need to be brought to senate, as the CSU does not have jurisdiction over the academic calendar. However, Kessel said that, even if the motion is not binding, the CSU could still show support for the motion.

Following a successful motion to end debate from councillor Ali Salman, the motion passed unanimously.

Special fee levy referendum

The meeting ended with a motion by Alhjooj to hold a special fee levy referendum as soon as practical because of mistakes made by the fee levy committee. 

“Once this is passed, hopefully we’ll call for another fee levy committee meeting where we can discuss all the applications, hopefully not with the time constrained, go over everything in detail and then hold the separate elections just for fee levies,” Alhjooj said. 

No fee levy questions were sent to the ballot for the CSU 2025 Winter Annual General Elections. 

The motion passed 13 to six. 

The meeting was adjourned at 8:14 p.m., with council agreeing that Hechel’s reading week motion could be included in a future fee levy referendum.

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Leave Black girls alone

Graphic Panos Michalakopoulos

Lory Saint-Fleur,
Local Journalism Initiative

The dangerous effects of adultification and hypersexualization on Black girls

At ten, puberty came knocking on my door like a hurricane, shaking up my world with its wild winds of change. 

I was developing at an alarming pace compared to others. It was made clear from the beginning that this new body I was entering was a distraction. 

This resulted in me being in constant battle with my body. 

I perceived it as a burden. As I looked around the locker room, I could not help but compare my body to the other girls, always feeling a step further. I never dared to think about wearing a tank top, or a tight T-shirt. 

By the time I got to high school, wearing an identical uniform, the difference was still striking. I had the mind of a teenager in a young woman’s body. On my journey to body neutrality and positivity, I have understood that my experience is the one of many young Black girls and women. 

The adultification bias of Black women and girls is entangled in the premature perception of them as adults. 

Adultification is a phenomenon in which Black girls are perceived as more mature than white girls. It robs young Black girls of their childhood, pushing them into a stage of their lives for which they are unprepared. 

In a study about Black childhood, a majority of the participants from diverse backgrounds perceived Black girls between the ages of five and 14 as more mature. 

Adultification leads to many disadvantages for these girls, such as mistreatment to missing simple experiences in finding their identity. This perception extends to viewing Black girls as needing less nurturing, protection because they’re seen as more independent.

Adult survey participants perceived Black girls as knowing more about adult topics, including sex, implying their inherent sexualization. 

This adultification of Black girls as sexualized beings contributes to their loss of innocence, affecting how they are treated in education and juvenile justice systems.

The sexual connotation often attributed to our bodies goes back to slavery. 

During slavery, Black women were stereotyped into categories: the sapphire, the jezebel, or the mammy. 

The sapphire is seen as brute, loud, and aggressive. In contrast, the mammy is nurturing, and selfless, with no sexual desire. Lastly, the jezebel is hypersexual, a seductress that will tempt and exploit men. The jezebel has created the perception of Black women being sexually promiscuous. 

This is not only dehumanizing but also hurtful. These stereotypes have had an exceptional impact on the perception of Black women today.

Hollywood has maintained the dehumanization of Black women by turning them into sexualized objects. A study on the media’s representation of Black women found that they are more likely to be depicted as partially or fully nude compared to white women, and they are twice as likely to be seen in revealing clothing on screen.

This continued cultural fetishization and hypersexualization of Black women further sexualizes Black girls in the process. This affects how Black girls are viewed and treated, contributing to their adultification.

I have experienced many instances of sexualization and adultification as a Black woman. I believe that the root of the problems lies in stereotypes being perpetuated. 

We need to criticize our school systems while holding our cultural institutions accountable for continually fetishizing Black women.

Black girls deserve a sheltered childhood.

This article originally appeared in Volume 44, Issue 13, published April 2, 2024.

Leave Black girls alone Read More »

Copied but never respected

Black hairstyles have been co-opted by the public. Graphic Myriam Ouazzani

Lory Saint-Fleur,
Local Journalism Initiative

The politics of Black aesthetic appropriation

Black culture has been built on ideals of resistance and liberation

Although the definition of Black culture differs around the globe, various elements such as braids and music remain at its core. 

These differences and similarities of Black culture around the globe can partly be attributed to the Atlantic slave trade and colonialism. Ethiopia is known as the only country in Africa not to have gone through colonization, as they defeated the Italians in 1895 at the Battle of Adwa. As for other countries in Africa and the Caribbean, conquest and suffering became the norm. Through nearly 400 years of slavery, more than 12 million men, women, and children were put on ships, many not surviving the treacherous journey.

Across the colonies such as the United States and the Caribbean, the sentiment for a revolution kept growing. The Haitian Revolution started in 1791 and lasted until 1804, Haiti became the first Black republic to gain independence against the French. This is an accomplishment, as multiple African countries only achieved liberation in the 20th century after prolonged struggles against colonial rule. 

Similarly, in the United States, the Black community’s suffering continued. Despite the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833 and the abolition of slavery in 1865, Black people in the US faced various new challenges. Jim Crow laws were instituted in 1877, keeping a clear separation between Black people and white people, keeping slavery ideologies alive and well—a reminder that racism doesn’t disappear overnight. 

This long history of constant oppression led to a movement of opposition around the world. In South Africa, the fight against apartheid—a racist system that divided the population—was only beginning. In the United States, from 1954 to 1968, the civil rights movement became a demand, a fight for social justice, to allow Black people to be treated fairly and with respect. 

This movement marked the way the Black identity was used and showcased, as it gave pride, power and agency to the Black community. The phrase Black is beautiful emerged in the 1960s, as African Americans truly began to embrace their identity.  The popularization of the Afro hairstyle reflected a new sentiment of freedom, as it also became a political statement. Activists such as Angela Davis and the Black Panther Party wore afros as a symbol of defiance. Just as the Afro became a symbol of liberation, for centuries Black hair has carried deep cultural and historical significance. Although braids and cornrows are mostly worn today as stylistic choices, it is theorized that slaves used them as tools to escape, with different patterns and bumps in braids delineating locations such as rivers.

Additionally, dreadlocks became a symbol of identity and spirituality. First used in a derogatory way, dreadlocks were perceived as dreadful, intimidating, and dirty. The Jamaican Rastafari movement used dreadlocks as a way of letting hair grow freely, following the conviction that life is sacred. Though afros, braids, and dreadlocks were deemed nappy and unkept by their white counterparts, for Black people, wearing their hair in its most natural form is synonymous with liberation. 

Black hair has continuously been policed and stigmatized, reinforcing systemic oppression. The policing of Black hair is rooted in respectability politics and hair-based discrimination. 

Respectability politics implies that social pressures have forced many Black people to adhere to Eurocentric beauty standards to be acceptable in social and professional settings. Hair-based discrimination has been weaponized in professional settings to avoid hiring Black workers. 

According to the 2023 CROWN Workplace Research Study, 66 per cent of Black women change their hair for a job interview, as Black hair is 2.5 times more likely to be perceived as unprofessional. Black women who wear their natural hair are also more likely to experience microaggressions. These repeated instances of discrimination have motivated the Black community to demand change by using politics in their favour.

The CROWN Act stands for Create a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair. The legislative act was first created in 2019 by Holly J. Mitchell in California. The legislation declares that “race is inclusive of traits historically associated with race, including, but not limited to, hair texture and protective hairstyles.”

The act seeks to combat race-based hair discrimination, but legal protections alone cannot undo centuries of bias. True change requires a shift in societal perception; Black hair must be accepted in all of its forms.

Despite a long history of discrimination, Black hairstyles have been co-opted by the public. The same natural hairstyles that were deemed ugly, unfit, and unkept are now frequently used in mainstream fashion as tools of originality, or by everyday people to showcase a “swagger” far from one’s culture. In fashion shows such as the 2016 Marc Jacobs New York Fashion Week show, Black hairstyles such as locks are used on white women to make models look more “edgy” and “interesting”. For example, box braids and cornrows have been worn without proper accreditation to the Black community. Instances of cornrows being called “Kardashian braids,” showcase how dangerous white appropriation is and how by forgoing recognition there can be an erasure of culturally rich symbols. . 

Other Black aesthetics such as clothing and music have followed a similar trajectory. Streetwear fashion and hip-hop culture have been absorbed by white individuals, who use cultural markers for profits. The relationship between Black culture and fashion is complicated, as many fashion companies from Comme Des Garçon and Marc Jacobs have perpetuated a cycle of erasure by not giving proper recognition to Black culture.

Black people have led trends for decades, from long and intricate nails to hoop earrings.  Nails have always been a form of expression for Black women. In 1966, they were worn by the first African-American woman on the cover of Vogue, Donyale Luna.

In today’s technological landscape, this tendency has not changed. 

Multiple viral TikTok dance trends were created by Black creators. One such trend was the 2019 Renegade dance, created by Jalaiah Harmon but commodified by Charli D’Amelio. When elements of Black culture are commodified without proper recognition, it perpetuates a cycle of erasure.

As we dig into Black history and culture, it becomes clear that the problem is about who wears these styles, not the styles themselves. It seems like it was never about the hair or the saggy pants, but about who was wearing it. 
 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 9, published February 11, 2025.

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The ecosystem of student politics

Graphic Panos Michalakopoulos

Maria Cholakova,
Local Journalism Initiative

What to know about the university’s undergraduate student union and associations

CSU

Founded in 1979, the Concordia Student Union (CSU) represents all undergraduate students at the university. Their job is to help students navigate university life and assist in advocating for issues to Concordia’s administration.

The CSU funds several services across campus. These include the CSU Advocacy Centre, the Housing and Job Resource Centre, the Legal Information Clinic, the Student Daycare and Nursery and a transitional housing pilot project that aims to provide temporary rent-free housing for students in need. The full list of CSU organizations and services can be found on the CSU’s website.

Politically, the CSU has actively been fighting against austerity and openly advocating for climate justice. They have also divested from Scotiabank for its investments in Elbit systems.

ASFA

Founded in 2001, the Arts and Science Federation of Associations (ASFA) is Concordia’s largest faculty-level student association, representing approximately 17,000 undergraduate students in the Faculty of Arts and Science. The federation represents 30 student associations across the faculty that serve the academic and accessibility interests of its members across different departments.

During the 2023-2024 academic year, ASFA actively campaigned against Quebec’s tuition hikes and advocated for a car-free Mackay Street with the help of Pedestrianize Mackay. Politically, ASFA has taken a stance in support of Palestinian solidarity, demanding the university divest from companies complicit in genocide and stand in support of Indigenous sovereignty.

CASA JMSB

The Commerce and Administration Students’ Association (CASA) is the undergraduate student association at the John Molson School of Business (JMSB). Representing over 7,000 business students, CASA is the umbrella organization for six student associations that represent different departments across JMSB. CASA is also in charge of two services: CASA’s Conference Program and their special funding for student projects.

Moreover, CASA is not known for its political activism, being the only student-run association not to participate in the anti-austerity movement during the 2023-2024 academic year.

ECA

The Engineering and Computer Science Association (ECA) represents all 6,800 undergraduate students at the Gina Cody School of Engineering and Computer Science. Under the ECA umbrella, 17 student groups host different activities and workshops, most notably HackConordia and Space Concordia.

Politically, ECA is not the most outspoken. However, during the 2023-2024 academic year, the ECA voted to go on strike against Quebec’s tuition hikes.

FASA

The Fine Arts Student Alliance (FASA) is a student association comprised of over 3,000 Faculty of Fine Arts undergraduate students. FASA is known for its political activism. The association works in a non-hierarchical manner and is “committed to being an open, inclusive organization that recognizes diversity.” FASA also aims to provide access and inclusion to communities traditionally marginalized.

Like ASFA, during the 2023-2024 academic year FASA actively campaigned against Quebec’s tuition hikes and was the first association to go on strike. Additionally, they took a stance in support of Palestinian solidarity, demanding the university divest from complicit companies. The association also funds a BIPOC Solidarity grant and hosts a variety of political and artsy workshops for students.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

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Concordia creates new task force to tackle racism on campus

Due to rise of racism on campus, Concordia has created a new task force which promises to create a safe campus space. Photo Matthew Daldalia

Maria Cholakova,
Local Journalism Initiative

The university promises to create a safe campus for students of diverse backgrounds

On April 3, Concordia President Graham Carr informed students by email that a new task force called Standing Together against Racism and Identity-based Violence (STRIVE) has been formed. 

The creation of the task force comes after months of increasing tension on campus. On Nov. 8, 2023, a confrontation in the Henry F. Hall building between Israeli and Palestinian students turned violent. More recently, on March 13, a few students from the Muslim Student Association (MSA) expressed that they do not feel safe on campus, due to claims of Zionist students verbally harassing them on a regular basis. Several members of MSA accused students of calling them terrorists, pro-Hamas supporters and MSA terrorists. 

According to Carr, since October 2023, there has been an increase in “manifestations of hate, acts of intimidation and other instances of identity-based violence.” In his statement, Carr said these incidents are unacceptable. 

The university created STRIVE as a result of increasing identity-based violence on campus. According to the university’s website, the task force will aim to address identity-based violence, strengthen anti-discrimination efforts and develop new policies and initiatives to combat discrimination at Concordia. 

The task force will consist of one overseeing body and six subcommittees. Each subcommittee will consist of one lead and three members representing staff, students and faculty. The subcommittees will tackle key issues, including antisemitism, anti-Arab racism, Islamophobia, anti-Asian racism, transphobia, as well as campus climate and campus engagement. 

For each subcommittee, the university will examine existing campus policies and systems in place for complaints. The university will also evaluate the community’s access to campus services and speak to the relevant Concordia and Montreal communities to deduce what measures are needed. 

According to Concordia’s website, the committees are seeking participants to join the task force. 

This isn’t the first time the university has created a task force. Concordia currently has one task force, the Task Force on anti-Black Racism. Alongside the task force, Concordia also created a committee on Sexual Misconduct and Sexual Violence in 2018—the latter of which has been heavily criticized by students. These criticisms involve being non-student-centric and unable to adequately deal with cases or listening to student complaints. 

Carr promises to notify the student body of any advancements or progress made by STRIVE. 

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Concordia hires external security firm founded by ex-Israeli soldier

Concordia hired security agents from firm founded by ex-IDF soldier. Graphic Tam Bedard

Maria Cholakova,
Local Journalism Initiative

The university spent over $30,000 on external security

From Sept. 30 to Nov. 22, 2024, Concordia University spent $33,683 on external security hires. 


On four different occasions, the university spent the money to hire the external company Perceptage International for a total of 14 days of work. 

What is Perceptage International? 

The security consulting firm Perceptage International was founded in 2008 by Adam Cohen, an ex-Israel Defence Forces (IDF) soldier, the national director of community security for the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA), and the director of community security for Federation CJA. Activists have heavily criticized all three companies for “anti-Palestinian practices.”  

Perceptage itself has been accused of hiring ex-IDF soldiers and having ties to the Israeli government.

In a now-deleted section of their website, Perceptage listed a total of nine security agents using only initials or pseudonyms and highlighted each member’s training, where all nine agents had completed an “Israeli Close Protection Course.” Currently, agent details are not available on the Perceptage website.

Students have also raised concerns about Perceptage’s connection with the security consulting company Moshav Security Consultants, a central division of Perceptage. Moshav is managed by Eyal Feldman, a reserve major in the Israeli army and a former special advisor to Israel’s Ministry of Defense. At the time of publication, Moshav’s website is unavailable.

Perceptage declined The Link’s request for an interview. 

According to Concordia deputy spokesperson Julie Fortier, the university has had no contact with Moshav. Fortier also claimed that all Perceptage agents hired by the university were Canadian armed forces veterans. 

Hiring of Perceptage

According to records acquired by The Link, the university hired the security company for 14 days during the Fall 2024 semester. The number of agents varied from day to day, from two to eight per shift. 

Agents were asked to wear beige pants or jeans, a black polo with no logos and a vest. Concordia provided the agents with velcro patches with the Concordia Safety and Prevention Services (CSPS) logo.  

The university hired the largest number of agents during the student strikes for Palestine, on Nov. 21 and Nov. 22. On those days, a total of eight agents were stationed across the campus per day, costing the university a total of $12,141. The agents’ duties were described as “crowd control and special intervention.”

The second largest number of agents hired was from the period of Sept. 30 to Oct.11, 2024, where four agents were stationed per day, costing the university over $20,235. Concordia hired the agents for “crowd control and special intervention” in anticipation of protests on Oct. 7. 

The only occasion where the university hired the company for an event not in direct relation to a Palestine demonstration was for a farewell event for Chancellor Jonathan Wener, hosted in the Eaton Centre on Nov. 6. Wener was Concordia’s chancellor since 2015. 

Infographic Maria Cholakova

Interactions with security during protests 

Perceptage agents have been accused of physically assaulting students while stationed at pro-Palestine demonstrations. According to a video posted on Solidarity for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR)’s Instagram page on Nov. 22, during the student strikes for Palestine, Perceptage and other CSPS officers were seen aggressively pushing students away from picketing actions and into the stairway of the Henry F. Hall building, all the while, students shouted: “Don’t touch them, don’t shove them, these are Concordia students.” 

According to Fortier, “CSPS intervened after receiving a complaint when a group of protestors attempted to block access to a class where students had not voted to strike and wanted to attend class.”

“CSPS intervened to prevent an escalation between students,” Fortier said. 

Student criticism and concern

Students have criticized Concordia’s decision to hire Perceptage. According to ex-SPHR general coordinator and current Palestinian Youth Movement member Zeyad Abisaab, he feels the decision to hire Perceptage highlights the lack of care for student safety. 

“The main function of security is to provide safety and a sense of security to students,” Abisaab said. He believes that if you were to ask students how they feel around unknown mercenaries, students would not feel safe. 

Concordia Student Union (CSU) external affairs and mobilization coordinator Danna Ballantyne believes that the hiring of Perceptage was a way for Concordia to silence Palestinian voices on campus.

“I think the university throws around the word ‘apolitical,’” Ballantyne said. “None of their actions show that from the emails that they send the student body, to the force that they use against us, to where they put their money.”

According to Fortier, the university makes security-related decisions to ensure the safety of the community. 

“CSPS can hire other agents to support them depending on security needs for some events,” Fortier said. “This was the case last fall after aggressive behaviour, assault and vandalism occurred during recent demonstrations and as we knew larger demonstrations would take place.” 

Ballantyne disagrees. She thinks that the university only considers events violent when they disrupt those in power. She continued by saying that Concordia did not publically consider it violent when the SPVM attacked Palestinian students on campus.  

“What we see is psychological warfare against students,” Ballantyne said. “At the end of the day, by consistently pinning a certain demographic of students as violent, as assaulters, as agitators, you’re enabling violence against them, whether it be at the hands of security or whether it be at the hands of other students.” 

Moving forward, Abisaab thinks the university should release the names of the security guards who assaulted students and commit to never hiring Perceptage agents again. 

“The students of Concordia reject Perceptage being on campus,” Abisaab said. “The university needs to commit to never hiring them again and prohibiting them on campus.”

With files from Dana Hachwa 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 7, published January 14, 2025.

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U Sports football’s relevance is not threatened by decline in numbers

Stingers running back Franck Tchembe avoids a tackle during the 2023 Shrine Bowl against McGill. Photo Dorothy Mombrun

Jared Lackman-Mincoff,
Local Journalism Initiative

A new wave of U Sports players will make an impact

The Vanier Cup, the annual U Sports football championship, has been steadily declining in attendance over the past decade.

The official attendance of 7,109 for the 2023 edition falls short of the perennial crowds of 20,000 in the early 2010s, which included a record showing of 37,098 in 2012. It is the lowest attendance since the COVID-19-restricted crowd of 5,840 in 2021.

Moreover, the 2024 Canadian Football League (CFL) draft saw only 47 U Sports players selected out of 74 picks. The U Sports selection comprised roughly 64 per cent of the draft, the lowest since the 57 per cent proportion in 2021.

However, it hasn’t been all bad for U Sports football.

The low attendance and low TV ratings for the 2023 Vanier Cup can be attributed to the game being played in Kingston, Ontario between two teams from Montreal and Vancouver.

Despite both teams boasting considerable fan bases, fans were likely unwilling to travel to attend the game, and simply had better ways to enjoy their weekend.

The increased cost of living has to be taken into consideration, as many Canadians, including myself, are cutting back on entertainment spending.

Regardless, game attendance is off to a hot start in 2024.

The Université Laval Rouge et Or football team set a new team attendance record when 20,903 enthusiasts witnessed their thrilling 23-22 victory over the Montreal Carabins on Sept. 7.

The Rouge et Or had the highest average attendance in all of U Sports in 2023 with 15,281 fans per game. It will always turn heads when the country’s most popular team breaks an attendance record.

In terms of draft prowess, U Sports may not have left as big a mark as it hoped at the CFL draft, but it certainly made a splash down south.

Giovanni Manu, offensive lineman for the University of British Columbia (UBC) Thunderbirds, was selected by the Detroit Lions in the fourth round of the 2024 National Football League (NFL) draft.

He became the first U Sports player to get selected in the NFL draft since David Onyemata of the University of Manitoba Bisons in 2016. He is unlikely to suit up for NFL games this year, but his development will be one to watch.

Another UBC offensive lineman, Theo Benedet, went undrafted in the NFL, but immediately signed a contract with the Chicago Bears. U Sports did just fine in 2024 football drafts.

The next CFL draft could be an interesting one for Canadian university football. It has the potential to make headlines at a position where U Sports has been notoriously unsuccessful at producing professional players: quarterback.

The 2025 CFL draft may include several U Sports signal-callers: Jonathan Sénécal from Université de Montréal, Evan Hillock from Western University, Taylor Elgersma from Wilfrid Laurier University and Garrett Rooker from UBC, among others.

University football’s success in Canada has always been cyclical. There is no reason to stress over slight declines in numbers.

U Sports football will be back very soon. In fact, it never left.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

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The Link ranks PWHL team brandings

Graphic Myriam Ouazzani

Jared Lackman-Mincoff & Alice Martin,
Local Journalism Initiative

Women’s hockey league unveils team identities for second season

All six Professional Women’s Hockey League (PWHL) teams unveiled their logo and team name on Sept. 9 ahead of the 2024-25 season.

Here’s how each team fared in our opinion, from worst to best:

Ottawa Charge

Grade: D-

The name itself is fine, but it’s not strong enough to make up for the complete lack of reference to the city of Ottawa. The bland “C” logo is overdone. Making it more unique, perhaps by including the Ottawa River or Parliament Hill in some capacity, would have bumped up its grade.

Toronto Sceptres

Grade: D

It was bold (in a bad way) to reference the monarchy in Toronto’s team name. Although we understand it’s a callback to the city’s well-known Queen St., Toronto has so much more going for it than that. Also, if you have to include the definition of the name in the reveal, it’s probably a bad idea. D for disappointing.

Minnesota Frost

Grade: B

Minnesota is definitely more than its cold weather, but it fares well on our list due to its decent logo and branding. Not to ruin the experience for you, but the wordmark is giving a low-budget Frozen knock-off. We love a reference to harsh weather as a reference to strength and power, but it feels overused and unoriginal.

New York Sirens

Grade: B+

The name is a clever hat tip to New York City’s constant high energy. The reverberations of both S’s in “Sirens” are a nice touch. The “NY” shape recalls the city’s architecture, but it would have been more effective to reference a specific landmark or building, which NYC has in spades.

Boston Fleet

Grade: A-

Now we’re talking about a good identity. A fleet represents power in unity, while simultaneously being a great reference to the history and culture of Boston. The sideways anchor as a “B” for Boston with the wave pattern is an absolute win. While successful, it is a little simple.

Victoire de Montréal

Grade: A

With a fleur-de-lis in the middle, a reference to Nike, the Greek goddess of victory, an “M” for Montreal, and a name that works in English and French—the name and logo are near perfect. The only thing holding it back from A+ is the inevitable memes that will arise when the team endures a losing streak.
 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

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Shut Up and Dribble: Discrimination at the 2024 Olympics

Graphic Breea Kobernick

Jared Lackman-Mincoff,
Local Journalism Initiative

Despite boasting first gender-equal Games, the Olympics still let people down

The Olympic Games tend to produce lots of fun moments for fans. These are moments of national pride and unity. After all, the slogan at this year’s opening ceremony was “Réunir ceux qui s’aiment,” which translates to “Reuniting those who love each other.”

But these past summer Olympics in Paris left many viewers shaking their heads.

Take the controversy around Imane Khelif. She was disqualified from the 2023 International Boxing Association World Championships for reportedly failing gender eligibility tests. The tests allegedly revealed that Khelif has XY chromosomes, although the results have yet to be disclosed.

Many on social media—including prominent figures Elon Musk and J.K. Rowling—jumped at the opportunity to mistakenly call Khelif a man and advocate for her disqualification. Even if she does have XY chromosomes, it in no way shape or form makes her a man. Differences in sexual development could present Y chromosome material in women. She is—and always has been—a biological woman. As she has said, she has beaten women, and she has lost to women.

Michael Phelps—one of the most celebrated athletes of all time—has twice the lung capacity of the average person, which undoubtedly contributes to his overall athleticism. Basketball players compete in a sport where height makes it easier to score points and win games. They are not disqualified for being too tall.

Those calling for Khelif’s disqualification were simply disparaging transgender athletes.

The Algerian Sports and Olympic Committee had to file an official complaint with the International Olympic Committee (IOC) protesting the “online harassment” that Khelif had to face. The IOC, to its credit, came to Khelif’s defence with a statement condemning transphobia and all those questioning her gender.

“What is going on in this context in the social media with all this hate speech, with this aggression and abuse, and fueled by this agenda, is totally unacceptable,” said IOC President Thomas Bach.

Unfortunately for the IOC, it dropped the ball elsewhere.

Paris 2024 being the first gender-equal Games made all the headlines leading into the summer. Meanwhile, the French government, in the name of secularism, prohibited its athletes from wearing a hijab.

Amnesty International, along with other organizations, sent a letter to the IOC demanding it take action against the ban. The IOC responded by pointing out that athletes are free to wear what they like in the Olympic Village and venues, but French athletes are viewed as civil servants and the issue was outside its jurisdiction.

While it is true that the IOC cannot influence French legislation, it still chose to go forward with hosting the Games in France. It could have taken a stand on principle, but it chose not to.

The IOC also had a hand in the disqualification of breakdancer Manizha Talash, an Afghan woman who competed for the Refugee Olympic Team. Just before her first battle, she displayed a blue cape with ‘Free Afghan women’ written on the back.

She was disqualified for violating rule 50 of the Olympic Charter, which states that “no kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other areas.”

She was not posing any threat, or spreading any hate. She was simply reminding people of the struggles that women face in her home country, and that it is incredibly difficult for them to even get the platform that she had, albeit for less than five minutes.

The IOC has one of the largest sporting platforms in the world, perhaps second only to FIFA. It sets an example for the whole world. It must do a better job of protecting athletes and helping everybody to feel welcome and safe.
 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

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No mountain too steep for Jessymaude Drapeau

Jessymaude Drapeau celebrates her goal during the 2024 U Sports National Championships. Courtesy Concordia Athletics

Jared Lackman-Mincoff,
Local Journalism Initiative

Stingers forward rides past challenges to Nationals MVP

As the clock struck triple zeros in the ultimate Nationals clash at Merlis Belsher Place in Saskatoon, Sask., the Stingers poured off the bench and swarmed goaltender Jordyn Verbeek, marking their second U Sports title in three seasons.

Forward Jessymaude Drapeau, seconds removed from being named to the tournament all-star team, turned to teammate Léonie Philbert in shock at being announced as the tournament’s most valuable player. 

Victorious gold around her neck and euphoric tears in her eyes, Drapeau greeted her parents on the ice. She turned to her mother, Karine Lizotte, and merely uttered: “Now it’s all good.”

Drapeau is one of many current Stingers who also experienced the gut-wrenching loss in the 2023 U Sports gold medal game in their home city. It remained fresh in Drapeau’s mind throughout this entire season, so much so that she prohibited her family from mentioning Nationals at all.

“After Christmas [this year], we were telling her that things were going well and that they could maybe go all the way,” Lizotte recalled, “and she said, ‘Don’t talk to me about that.’”

For Drapeau, the goal of this season became clear: work even harder.

“Every time I went to train, I reminded myself of the 1.8 seconds [on the clock],” she said.

She is no stranger to using previous failures as motivation. Prior to the 2023 gold medal game, her biggest obstacle came in midget hockey, where she hoped to represent her home province in the National Women’s Under-18 Championships. She was invited to training camp, but was cut from Team Quebec three years in a row.

Each of the first two times she was cut, she was able to look forward to the next season, where she would be more experienced and have a better shot of making the provincial team. Despair set in after falling short in her third and final year of eligibility, knowing that was her last opportunity.

“I watched all my friends make the team, but I never did,” she said. “The last cut during my three years was definitely very hard.”

Adding insult to injury, Drummondville, Que.—the training camp site—felt like forever away from Drapeau’s hometown of Rivière-du-Loup, Que. Having to bear such a heavy burden alone, far from family would be too much for any athlete, let alone a 17-year-old. 

For Lizotte, there was no doubt that it was the toughest moment for Drapeau up to that point in her career. “As a parent, what can you say other than ‘This is the life?’” she wondered.

But Drapeau, ever-determined, knew that she could use this tough experience to her advantage.

“I was always fueled by it. I love failures,” she said, chuckling. “Getting cut was always hard, but I think that if I didn’t go through that in that moment, I wouldn’t be where I am right now, so I’m a bit thankful for getting cut because my career is going really great right now.”

That career entered its current chapter four years ago, when Drapeau arrived at Concordia. The pedigree of the Stingers coaching staff combined with her desire to study in English made the commitment a no-brainer.

Her would-be rookie season was canceled due to the COVID-19 pandemic. She saw success immediately as a rookie in 2021-22, being placed on the top line with star forwards Emmy Fecteau and Rosalie Bégin-Cyr.

“I looked at them as idols,” Drapeau said. “They had already accomplished so much, so I was shocked at being able to play with them. They’re incredible.”

Drapeau was nothing short of incredible herself, putting up 12 points in the COVID-shortened 15-game regular season. She added seven points in four provincial playoff games and helped the Stingers to their first U Sports title in 23 years.

Her third season was marked with extra responsibilities with the ‘A’ being added to her jersey, making her an alternate captain. Drapeau, who is usually shy and reserved, had risen to the occasion and had previously proven that she could handle a leadership role, to the delight of her coaches.

“Last year, just before playoffs, we had a team meeting,” recalled head coach Julie Chu, “and she stood up and said some words, and I think everyone in the room was like, ‘Oh my goodness, that was great!’ That was a really proud moment for me,” she said with a smile.

Chu has seen Drapeau transform from an isolated player too shy to speak in front of a group to a confident leader who looks people in the eye and has no problem maintaining a conversation.

Drapeau’s motivational tactics have rubbed off on her teammates, even those who already have letters on their jerseys.

“She encouraged me to develop good habits, good routines,” said captain Emmy Fecteau. “She pushes me to improve. She often sends me quotes to motivate me, which I really love.”

Drapeau’s transformation has been apparent on the ice, too. Not only is she comfortable in high-pressure moments, they bring out the best in her.

In the 2024 U Sports semifinals against the Waterloo Warriors, the Stingers were barely clinging to a 2-1 lead late in the third period. The Warriors were mounting the pressure, and got themselves a power play with under three minutes to play.

“I said to myself that this was the same scenario as last year,” Lizotte remarked. “But I knew somebody would wake up.”

With under 90 seconds to play, Drapeau, who had taken on penalty killing duties this season, poked the puck past a defender along the boards, and streaked in all alone on Warriors goaltender Mikayla Schnarr. A couple of stick handles later, Drapeau found twine, and wrapped a bow on a 3-1 victory for the Stingers.

With Fecteau and Bégin-Cyr leaving the team, there is no better way for Drapeau to show her teammates and coaches that they will still have a reliable veteran leader next season. 

Lizotte has no doubt that she will be prepared for anything that comes next. “She has strength of character and determination. It makes her who she is today,” she said, wiping a prideful tear off her cheek.

Drapeau aspires to play professionally, but she will likely play out her final two years of U Sports eligibility before chasing a Professional Women’s Hockey League career.

This article originally appeared in Volume 44, Issue 13, published April 2, 2024.

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Sex Ed(itorial): Fluent in Fluidity

Graphic Jude M

India Das-Brown,
Local Journalism Initiative

Evolutionary insight into female sexuality

Before studying evolutionary psychology, I believed that people who claim women are more sexually fluid than men held one of three reasons.

These reasons were: women wanting to feel a part of the norm; men wanting to normalise their expectations of threesomes with two women, but not with another man; or women wanting to express their attraction to other women without facing the societal repercussions of coming out as gay. 

Indeed any of these may be true, and it is true that many feminist and gender scholars view gender and sexual orientation as social constructs. However, it is also true that empirical science provides contrasting evidence.

“Pure social constructivism is… deeply problematic,” writes psychology professor Dr. Lisa Diamond in Sexual Fluidity: Understanding Women’s Love and Desire. 

“As a feminist, I champion its emphasis on the social, political, and cultural factors that structure women’s experiences. Yet as a psychologist interested in the links between mind and body, I am frustrated by the fact that pure social constructionism discounts the role of bodies and biological processes in sexual experience,” she writes.

Like Diamond, I view sexual feelings and experiences as influenced by both the society around us and our biology, and that research in this area should combine the two perspectives.

Perhaps sexual fluidity in women is a conditional adaptation, like how our skin forms calluses in rough conditions but stays smooth in gentler environments—allowing for heterosexual behaviour in specific circumstances and homosexual behaviour in others.

Recent literature reflects growing recognition that male and female homosexuality may have different evolutionary origins, and the diverse forms of non-heterosexuality in women may result from specific evolutionary and developmental processes.

As defined by Diamond, sexual fluidity encompasses the range of stimuli and circumstances that evoke a sexual response in an individual. 

Eye-tracking studies indicate that men often quickly focus their attention on nude images of their preferred sex, immediately identifying these images as sexual.

On the other hand, women exhibit attention towards these images related to both preferred and non-preferred sexes, perceiving both categories as sexual. In fact, most women who identify as heterosexual experience genital arousal when exposed to erotic imagery of other women. 

Put simply, women exhibit greater sexual fluidity than men.

Evolutionary theorists face the task of demonstrating why a significant proportion of women experience attractions toward other women, and why these attractions may fluctuate over time within individuals. 

Until around the age of 18, humans place the primary burden of their caloric expenses and development on their parents, with additional support coming from an ‘alloparenting’ network. This network includes extended family and community members who also contribute to their upbringing.

In the case of an absent or unreliable father, the child’s survival is compromised due to lesser support, and it may be beneficial for their mother to form a close relationship with another woman as opposed to raising her child alone. 

Infanticide occurs frequently in nonhuman animals, as well as in humans, where a stepfather is 120 times more likely to commit infanticide than a biological father. 

A woman with existing offspring would benefit from avoiding contact with other males who may commit infanticide in favour of relationships with other women, who are more likely to show a nurturing response toward her child.

In Australia, almost 37 per cent of incarcerated women identified as lesbian or bisexual, versus four per cent in the population in 2019. However, the percentage of male inmates identifying as gay or bisexual, at 5.5 per cent, did not surpass the proportion of gay and bisexual men in the general population.

Knowing this, it is fair to argue that being incarcerated isn’t what leads inmates to identify as non-heterosexual. Rather, a unique blend of biological, psychological, and social factors might be linked to natural reproductive and life strategies in non-heterosexual women. 

These “fast life history strategies” are characterized by energetic resource prioritization toward mating and other risky behaviours, rather than towards maintenance or parenting. 

It is important to note that despite the potential costs of faster life history strategies, such as risk-taking, substance use, and poorer health outcomes, they might still make sense from an evolutionary point of view. This is because they can lead to reduced time between the birth of one child and the conception of the next child. This leads to more surviving offspring, especially in modern developed societies where child mortality is low. 

Evidence from Italian and Australian studies indicate that non-heterosexual women indeed tend to have lower reproductive success compared to their heterosexual counterparts. However, the Italian study found this disadvantage can be balanced out by having more children over time.

It could also be that women are attracted to other women because there aren’t strong evolutionary reasons against it.  Factors like men placing low importance on intimacy and competing with other men for mates might also result in minimal pressure against genes that make women’s sexual orientation flexible or changeable. 

These evolutionary pressures have less effect with a fluid sexuality, but get stronger as someone leans more towards being exclusively attracted to the same sex. So, a pattern emerges where most women are mostly into the opposite sex, but a smaller group are only attracted to the same sex.

The topic of evolution and variance in human female-female sexual expression is complicated.

This is because of the lack of relevant terminology developed in many cultures and, by extension, because women having sex with women have been marginalized by historical perspectives that discredit female sexual diversity. 

Here, the importance of understanding the evolutionary origins and implications of human female sexual fluidity becomes clear.

“For those of us who question, your whole life becomes a question,” writes Diamond. “Do you then reach some level of understanding, and then it’s static? I don’t think so.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 44, Issue 13, published April 2, 2024.

Sex Ed(itorial): Fluent in Fluidity Read More »

CUPEU suspends planned strike for fall semester

CUPEU has suspended their strike set to start on Sept. 3, 2024. Photo Maria Cholakova

Geneviève Sylvestre & Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Staff strike on hold after “global offer” from employer

Members of the Concordia University Professional Employees Union (CUPEU) have decided to suspend their strike that was intended to start on Sept. 3.

The Concordia community was first made aware of the now-suspended strike in a university email sent to the student body on Aug. 27. 

CUPEU is composed of 600 Concordia University staff members, including academic advisors, financial analysts, nurses, IT workers and guidance counsellors. 

The strike was initially set to occur after 10 months of what union members referred to as “unfruitful negotiations ” with the university in an Aug. 23 press release. The strike was concerning the hybrid work plan in place for academic staff. 

CUPEU president Shoshana Kalfon had previously told The Link that CUPEU was contesting the lack of flexibility within the hybrid work plan. She added that throughout nearly one year of negotiations, the university has remained firm on its position regarding the hybrid work plan for academic workers. 

However, the strike was suspended following new negotiations that began on Aug. 30.

Instead, CUPEU has called a general assembly for Tuesday, Sept. 3, to vote on what the union referred to as a “global offer from the employer” in a Sept. 2 press release. The union specified that this offer is not a tentative agreement and that, depending on the outcome of the vote at the general assembly, they may still strike.

According to the Aug. 23 CUPEU press release, nearly 50,000 students would be impacted by a strike. Services such as academic advising, IT support and other student services would be affected during the strike period.

On Sept. 3, all CUPEU staff members will be working and all services and facilities will remain operating as usual.

This is a developing story. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

CUPEU suspends planned strike for fall semester Read More »

A look back on student encampments and resistance

Students set up McGill encampment for Palestine. Photo Hannah Scott-Talib

Zina Chouaibi & Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The dismantling of the McGill encampment was not the end of Palestinian solidarity in Montreal

Over the past year, universities in Montreal and across the world have witnessed a surge in student activism, with campus encampments serving as symbols of Palestinian solidarity.

Antler, a camper at the McGill University encampment, who was granted a pseudonym for safety reasons, was about to leave Montreal for summer break when the encampment was erected on April 27. Instead, she chose to stay in the city to show her solidarity.

“This is a student opportunity that doesn’t happen often. It’s the first encampment in Canada, it was in a school that is already on stolen land, it had a lot of backstory to it that was very important to us,” said Antler. “At the time of the encampment, it kind of felt like it was the most we could do.”

The encampment brought unprecedented attention to the issue of divestment, highlighting activists’ demands that McGill and Concordia divest from companies with connections to the ongoing genocide and cut all academic ties with Israel.   

McGill filed three injunctions in an attempt to get the encampment removed. Two were rejected by Quebec Superior Court judges, and the last was withdrawn by McGill after the dismantlement of the camp by a private security firm on Jul. 10.

“The fact that it was forcefully removed by mercenaries only contributed positively to the momentum,” a representative from Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill said. 

According to the representative, the encampments showcased the unity and power of the student front.

“We had never seen this much media coverage on this topic despite divestment being a demand for the past two decades,” they said.

Antler was not present the day the encampment was taken down, but says she is very proud of what all the campers accomplished.

“Honestly, more than anything, more than disappointed, I was just very, very proud of how long the encampment stayed and how resilient the students were,” she said. 

The removal of the encampments did not mark the end of the divestment movement, but rather a shift in tactics. Activists like Hassan Ridha from the Palestinian Youth Movement are now focusing on long-term strategies that involve coalition-building across different communities.

“When multiple separate efforts are joined together, they become more powerful,” Ridha said.

Despite the lack of meaningful progress from university administrations, Ridha sees the rise in solidarity as a significant victory.

“I consider the unification of students, businesses, professionals and parents a major success of the encampment,” he said. 

According to the SPHR McGill representative, the Montreal community played a crucial role in supporting the encampments and keeping the movement alive.

“The Montreal community has supported us throughout the encampment with donations for what was necessary to keep the encampment alive,” the SPHR McGill representative said. “That in itself plays a huge role in achieving divestment.” 

Currently, activists like Ridha are looking to engage new supporters to sustain the movement, particularly incoming students who may be unfamiliar with the history of the encampments. 

“To engage new supporters, it is important to be as present as possible in as many places as possible,” Ridha said. He believes that by expanding the movement’s reach and involving more communities, the movement can continue to grow and evolve.

“At the end of the day, we are students who don’t want our tuition money to go to the funding of a genocide,” the SPHR McGill representative said. “That is such a simple ask: justice.” 

With files from Maria Cholakova

A look back on student encampments and resistance Read More »

Understand your academic rights

Photo Caroline Marsh

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Answers to students’ frequently asked questions

Concordia’s bureaucracy can make it difficult for students to know where to turn when an issue arises. To help, here is a list of common academic concerns and how to resolve them. 

Am I allowed to repeat a class? 
According to the 2024-2025 Undergraduate Calendar, students are allowed to repeat a class they failed only once, but they may appeal to a Student Request Committee to be allowed to take the course a third time. A student who has received credits for a class may also repeat the class once. All grades will appear on their transcript, but only the grade received on the latest attempt will be used to calculate the student’s cumulative grade point average (CGPA). This is with the exception of grades awarded due to academic misconduct, which will be calculated into the CGPA nonetheless. 

What if I can’t make it to a final exam?
The 2024-2025 Undergraduate Calendar indicates that if a student encounters “unforeseen circumstances beyond [their] control,” such as a severe illness, injury or the recent death of a close family member, they are allowed to apply to defer their final exam. If a student decides to complete a final exam despite feeling unwell, the exam can no longer be deferred. After missing an exam, students can apply to defer it online or fill out the Request for Deferred Notation form and give it to the Birks Student Service Centre. A student can apply to defer an exam a total of three times throughout their undergraduate or independent studies. 

What can I do if I want to contest a grade?
If a student believes a grade was miscalculated or that the grade they were awarded was demonstrably unfair, they should first try to bring up their concerns to their instructor. However, if a student is unable to reach their instructor or if they are still unsatisfied, they are allowed to request a re-evaluation by filling out an Academic Re-evaluation Request form at the Birks Student Service Centre. The student’s department chair will evaluate if the request conforms with the re-evaluation criteria and, if the chair finds that it does, they will appoint a re-evaluator to assign a new grade.

What can I do if a professor’s behaviour is inappropriate?
All members of Concordia University, whether students, staff or faculty, are required to follow the Code of Rights and Responsibilities. The code strictly prohibits threatening or violent conduct, sexual violence and sexual assault, harassment and discrimination. If a university member’s behaviour violates the code, a student can contact the Office of Rights and Responsibilities for anonymous counsel and support in informally resolving an issue or in launching a formal complaint. If a student witnesses or is a victim of sexual violence or misconduct, they should reach out to the Sexual Assault Resource Centre for help.

I’ve been accused of academic misconduct. What can I do? 
Students may receive an invite to an interview to share their side of the story. It is recommended that students seek the help of an advocate from the Student Advocacy Office or the Concordia Student Union Advocacy Centre to prepare for their interview, but students may represent themselves if they wish. Following the interview, a decision will be sent by mail or e-mail. If the student is found to not have breached the Academic Code of Conduct, the case will be dismissed. If the student is found in violation of the code, sanctions can be applied. Sanctions range from a reprimand to failure of the course or the imposition of additional credits to the student program requirements. Decisions can be contested by contacting the Office of Student Tribunals up to 10 days after the decision. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

Understand your academic rights Read More »

The importance of the Student Advocacy Centre

Located in the Henry F. Hall building, the centre aims to help students with their rights. Photo Dorothy Mombrun

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The CSU service that can help you navigate Concordia’s bureaucracy

The Concordia Student Union’s (CSU) Student Advocacy Centre is a service that aims to help defend the rights of students by matching them with a student advocate. 

The centre deals with a variety of student complaints and questions, mainly in the sphere of academic misconduct, professor-student relations, questions regarding the Academic Code of Conduct, and issues relating to the Code of Rights and Responsibilities

Brittany Allison, the centre’s interim manager, said that advocates aim to help students understand Concordia’s various policies. Student advocates at the centre can serve as representation for students who are sentenced to a disciplinary meeting. 

“If you have an academic misconduct interview or a meeting with a hearing, we go, we attend, we do your opening, we do your closing, we help present your evidence and we help negotiate a sanction,” Allison said.

Beyond academic misconduct, student advocates can help with filling student requests for grade re-evaluations, tuition refunds and exam referrals, among others. Sofia Lipari-Couture, the centre’s interim lead advocate and the only full-time student advocate on staff, said that students often don’t know the extent of their rights.   

“Students don’t know what they have access to,” said Lipari-Couture.”They don’t know that they can defer an exam, they don’t know that they can discontinue (DISC) a class after the DISC deadline with exceptional circumstances, but these are things that we help with.”  

As opposed to the university’s personal advocacy service, the CSU Student Advocacy Centre is independent and is funded by students through a fee levy of $0.48 per credit. According to Allison, that independence reassures students. 

“Our interests are for the students,” said Allison. “If you’re filing a complaint against somebody at the university, do you want the same people that you’re filing a complaint against representing you, or do you want somebody that is independent?”

All consultations with student advocates are fully confidential and advocates cannot act against a student’s will. For Lipari-Couture, the service’s importance lies in helping students navigate situations that can be highly confusing, overwhelming and emotional.

“Students are dealing with a lot,” said Lipari-Couture. “[Concordia’s] website is not really easy to use, but we use it every day, we read the policies every day. I know the policies by heart, so if you come to me and you’re in this situation, I can point you into the right direction where you wouldn’t have even known where to start.”

Allison and Lipari-Couture want to push against the notion that people who seek student advocates are automatically guilty, and encourage students to reach out to the centre as a first resort when they have concerns. 

“I think that’s a big objective of ours, that students feel like they’re not guilty to come and see us. We’ll help with anything, we’ll help explain policies,” said Lipari-Couture. “We will even help you self-advocate for yourself,” Allison added.

Allison further explained that seeking help shows that students have done their due diligence. “We’ve had advisors and people within the university that have said that, when students have advocates put together their requests, it’s more simple for them to go through.” 

The Advocacy Centre ran for a fee levy increase in the Winter 2024 CSU General Elections. Like the other six fee levy groups that ran alongside them, the referendum question failed. According to Allison, the centre received a record-high number of cases last semester and is looking to expand to meet the demand, which is partly why they ran for an increase. 

Kareem Rahaman, the CSU’s finance coordinator, said that students are in a tight financial spot at the moment and the CSU will work harder on marketing its services and their importance.

“In an ideal world, no one has to use the centre because no one has any problems, but the fact of the matter is that there are a lot of people with problems who don’t know where to go right now,” Rahaman said.

For Allison, it’s important for the university to have a service to help students that have a difficulty speaking up for themselves. “Concordia is so decentralized and everybody is like, ‘Well, you’re an adult. You should know better. You should know how to do this,’ Nobody is ever accounting for the eternal struggles or traumatic events people suffer from in their lives that may prevent them from speaking up, that may prevent them from writing a document, the disabilities that students have.”

Students wishing to use the Student Advocacy Centre’s services can go to their office located in the Mezzanine of the Hall Building or call (514) 848-7474.

This article originally appeared in Volume 44, Issue 13, published April 2, 2024.

The importance of the Student Advocacy Centre Read More »

Two students arrested at “Cops Off Campus” demonstration

Protesters marching down De Maisonneuve Blvd., chanting slogans denouncing the CSPS and the SPVM. Photo Maria Cholakova

Maria Cholakova & Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

This marks another instance of students facing harassment and intimidation by police

Around three dozen autonomous students led a demonstration in front of the Concordia University Guy-De Maisonneuve building (GM), calling for an end to SPVM officer presence on campus. The demonstration resulted in two arrests.

“Essentially today, people are here to protest against the repression of students and the students that have been unjustly suspended, some of which without a tribunal,” said E.V. Cloix, who attended the protest and has long been in support of the “Cops Off Campus” movement. 

They believe the presence of police officers on campus is sparking worry among students. 

“I think there is a lot to lose for a lot of people, specifically students of colour who feel hypervisible confronting police,” said Cloix.

The demonstration started at 1:35 p.m., with some students wearing paper masks of Concordia’s Board of Governors and chanting “Hey hey, ho ho, SPVM has got to go.”

According to a student representative for the demonstration, who was granted anonymity for safety reasons, the event was organized in response to the police brutality that has taken place on campus since the start of the fall semester. 

“The police force, as well as the Concordia Security and Prevention Services (CSPS), have clearly demonstrated that they are [not] here to protect us, the people, but rather [they are here] to protect private property and the interest of the institution,” they said. 

At 1:20 p.m., demonstrators saw at least six CSPS officers blocking the doors to the GM building and heavy police presence surrounding the university grounds.

At 2:30 p.m., students started marching down De Maisonneuve Blvd., chanting slogans denouncing the CSPS and the SPVM. 

The protest escalated at around 3 p.m. when protesters circled a group of CSPS officers in the Concordia tunnels between the Guy-Concordia metro station and the J.W. McConnell Library Building (LB) and Henry F. Hall Building. Protesters shouted anti-police chants which led the group of officers back towards the metro station. 

In response, the CSPS officers called for backup and began moving the crowd back up the tunnels toward the LB building. As this was happening, Cloix alleged that one CSPS officer began chasing a student down the tunnels. This student was detained by SPVM officers minutes later in the LB building.

Outside the Leonard & Bina Ellen Art Gallery, located in the LB building, demonstrators were met with around 20 SPVM and CSPS officers. At least one other protester was grabbed by SPVM officers and detained, and several other protesters were shoved by SPVM officers. 

SPVM officers then forced the crowd outside onto the sidewalk of De Maisonneuve Blvd. in front of the LB Building, where one officer warned the crowd that further confrontation with the SPVM would lead to criminal charges of obstruction. Chants continued from protesters for another few minutes before the crowd dispersed.

According to SPVM media representative Caroline Chèvrefils, police officers arrested two students for assaulting a university security guard. Both students were later released with summons.

According to Fiona Downey, Concordia University’s spokesperson, the univeristy is “dismayed that what began as a peaceful protest on Oct. 31 degenerated into assault and vandalism.” She further clarified that police was called on campus after protesters allegedly assaulted a CSPS officer who sustained minor injuries and that protesters threw furniture at students. 

“I think it’s inappropriate for there to be so much police presence [on campus] when people are literally just enacting their rights as students to have a voice and be heard,” said Cloix in response to the behaviour of the SPVM. “[We want] to also request that not only our tuition not be used to fund a genocide, but that [the university] still give people a right to advocate for themselves and not just get suspended unjustly.”

Cloix isn’t the only student who feels this way. According to the student representative, the university is acting against its own students. 

“If the university was smart, they would actually tap into the mobilization power of their students,” they said. “If we had support (from the university), instead of repression from our administration, we could actually be mobilizing to help with things like the tuition hikes.” 

The day’s demonstration was not the only sign of students’ disapproval with the amount of police presence on campus. On Oct. 30, the Concordia Student Union (CSU), alongside the Arts and Science Federation of Associations, the Fine Arts Students Alliance, the Concordia, Research and Education Workers Union, the School of Community & Public Affairs Student Association, the Geography Undergraduate Student Society, the Political Science Student Association, the Sociology and Anthropology Student Union, the Urban Planning Association and the Women and Sexuality Studies Student Association, shared a press release on their Instagram accusing the university of police brutality and racial discrimination. The CSU will hold a press conference on Nov.1 to further discuss their statement. 

Two students arrested at “Cops Off Campus” demonstration Read More »

CSU accuses Concordia of police brutality and racial discrimination

Student union setting up for press conference against police brutality infront of the Henry F. Hall Building. Photo Maria Cholakova

Maria Cholakova,
Local Journalism Initiative

The student union held a press conference to discuss police brutality on campus

On Nov. 1, the Concordia Student Union (CSU) held a press conference in front of the Henry. F. Hall Building where they accused the university of police brutality and racial discrimination. 

The press conference was announced in a joint statement with nine other student associations two days earlier on Oct. 30. The statement called for the immediate removal of all police officers on campus; that the university publicly commits to forbidding police presence on campus; and for Campus Safety and Prevention Services (CSPS) to formally sever their relationship with the SPVM. 

In addition, they demanded that CSPS publicly commits to abolishing five practices:
following students off campus; conducting citizen’s arrests; physical apprehension and detainment; preemptively coordinating response with police prior to political demonstrations; and facilitating police brutality and arrest instead of engaging in de-escalation.

CSU external affairs and mobilization coordinator Danna Ballantyne was the first to speak at the press conference.

“In the last few weeks, our students have been arrested, detained and even physically brutalized, all while conducting non-violent political demonstrations,” she said. “We deserve to come to campus to learn and to have open dialogue without fearing for our safety.”

Since the start of the fall semester, four students have been arrested at demonstrations, leading many to speak out against the university. 

“After months of Concordia students being stalked and harassed by CSPS, brutalized by police on campus, international students fearing deportation, […] students have had enough,” CSU academic and advocacy coordinator Vanessa Massot said. “We demand that Concordia do better. Student leadership has been met with nothing but inaction from the university’s administration.” 

Students aren’t the only ones speaking out against the university. Norma Rantisi, a professor in the geography, planning and environment department, spoke out in support of students, staff and faculty who have felt targeted by police. 

“Students have had a longstanding engagement with social movements and with organizing for justice. For this, students should be commended, not repressed; their voices uplifted, not censored; their activism supported, not criminalized,” Rantisi said. “Heightened policing and surveillance on our university campuses not only presents a dangerous setting for students, but also for marginalized faculty and staff.”

CSU accuses Concordia of police brutality and racial discrimination Read More »

Students picket and take over Hall building on first day of strikes

Students protesting on the 12th floor of the Hall building. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Maria Cholakova & Safa Hachi,
Local Journalism Initiative

Over two dozen students were picketing classes and hundreds rallied in front of the Hall building

Nov. 21 marked the first day of an international university strike movement for Palestine. 

The strikes were organized by 11 Concordia University student associations and one faculty association on campus, comprising over 11,000 students across Concordia. Across Montreal, 85,000 students are striking on Nov. 21 and Nov. 22. 

Strikes and picketing

The morning strikes started as early as 8 a.m., with groups of students dispatching from Le Frigo Vert to different classes across the Sir George Williams campus. 

Pickets were peaceful, and most of the picketed classes were successfully cancelled on-site or beforehand by professors. For soft-picketed classes, picketers entered classrooms and encouraged students to join the movement. 

Police presence was minimal in the morning, with few police cars surrounding the campus. 

According to Danna Ballantyne, external affairs and mobilization coordinator at the Concordia Student Union, these strikes are a denunciation of violence.

“They are meant to show the administration that we don’t want any part in the violence they are taking part in,” Ballantyne said, referring to Concordia’s recent increase in police on campus, which had led to four student arrests. 

Rally at Hall building

The student movement grew more active at 2 p.m. for a “Support the Strike” rally organized by Solidarity for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR), as an extension of the overall day of strikes. The demonstration started off with around 100 people, who were joined by several hundred students from Dawson College and McGill University 10 minutes into the rally. 

Before the rally, SPHR and student associations had made their strike demands public. Their demands include: for Concordia to publicize their full investment portfolio; for the university to seize all employment partnerships with military companies; for the university to publically condemn the genocide in Gaza; for the university to prohibit police presence on campus; and for the administration to “stop its repression campaign on students.”  

The demonstration began with chants from SPHR organizers demanding that the university divest.

According to Zeyad Abisaab, ex-general coordinator of SPHR and current Palestinian Youth Movement member, the student movement has grown too strong for the university. 

“Today, as we see, is a historic day for the student movement. 11,000 students are on strike at Concordia, 11,000 students saying they do not want to be complicit with Israel, 11,000 students demanding that Concordia cut ties with weapons companies,” Abisaab said. “Concordia has ignored these demands.” 

On Nov. 19, two days before the strikes, Concordia had sent out an email to students asking for peaceful strikes and for all students to renounce violence.

“Every Concordian has the right to study and work without fear of experiencing physical violence, witnessing vandalism or being the target of harassment. As a community, we must agree that attacks on people and property are simply unacceptable and cannot be tolerated,” the email stated. 

Soon after students joined the rally, demonstrators entered the Henry F. Hall building, where four Concordia Safety and Prevention Service (CSPS) officers were blocking the entrance. 

Despite CSPS officers’ attempts at restraining students from entering the Hall building, students made their way inside to the main floor, chanting “Free, free Palestine.” 

Demonstrators stayed on the main floor for roughly 20 minutes, chanting, waving Palestinian flags and demanding the university divest from genocide. 

For many participants, the strike represented both a personal and collective stand. 

“Knowing I can have an impact means a lot,” Concordia student Kris Wachniak said. “Look at how many people showed up to express solidarity, it’s truly moving.”

Wachniak was not the only student feeling this way. 

“Thousands of us are supporting this strike for a reason,” said a student who wanted to keep their name anonymous for fear of academic repercussions. “Our governments and schools do nothing. It sits on my conscience to know my money is funding these war machines.” 

At 2:43 p.m., Concordia sent out an emergency alert to students, encouraging them to avoid the area in and around the Hall building and to evacuate if they felt they needed to. 

Five minutes before Concordia’s mass email, students had started moving up the floors of the Hall building, continuing their demonstration. 

In big groups, students walked up the escalators, banging on the sides, ringing bells and chanting slogans like “Disclose, divest, we will not stop we will not rest.” 
 

Around 3:00 p.m., protesters exited the Hall Building and gathered briefly outside before beginning a march down De Maisonneuve Blvd. W. towards Guy St., eventually circling back to Mackay St. Protesters carried signs, flags and a large cardboard cutout of Concordia President Graham Carr.  

While most of the strike remained focused on calls for divestment and solidarity with Palestine, a smaller pro-Israel group gathered nearby at the intersection of Mackay St. and De Maisonneuve Blvd. W., surrounded by SPVM officers. Despite tensions, no altercations occurred, though both groups exchanged chants. 

No arrests were made on campus. 

Students picket and take over Hall building on first day of strikes Read More »

Ex-Israeli defence soldier event interrupted by counter-protest

Over a dozen SPVM officers were stationed in the Henry F. Hall Building due to an altrecation between groups. Photo Maria Cholakova

Maria Cholakova,
Local Journalism Initiative

Police separated StartUp Nation and pro-Palestine students in the Henry F. Hall Building

On Dec. 3, over two dozen pro-Palestine students protested the invitation of Yoseph Haddad, a former Israeli Defense Forces soldier at the Henry F. Hall Buidling.

The event was organized by Concordia University’s Israeli group StartUp Nation. Over two dozen students and pro-Israel supporters gathered at the Hall building mezzanine for an event hosting Haddad. 

Haddad’s presence on campus was marketed as a tabling event where students would have the chance to speak and ask him questions.

The event started at 12 p.m., with Haddad giving a speech to participants and media. At around 12:40 p.m., over two dozen pro-Palestine students joined and began chanting in opposition to the event. The two groups clashed in front of the mezzanine elevators.

Escalations  

Following the arrival of counterprotesters, Haddad, who has been criticized for denying the Palestinian genocide, approached several Concordia Student Union (CSU) executives, attempting to speak to them at arms lenght. The CSU executives did not interact with the speaker. 

Tensions kept growing between the two groups, with protesters shouting through megaphones and Haddad chanting “Terrorists off campus” while facing the pro-Palestine students. The majority of the chants came from counter-protestors, with SPHR chanting “Free, free Palestine” from the start of the altercation to its end. 

According to Zeyad Abisaab, former SPHR general coordinator and current Palestinian Youth Movement member, Concordia students have made their demands clear. 

“Bringing someone that is a genocide apologist, who spreads hate, racism and Islamophobia wherever he goes, is not something that the Concordia students tolerate,” Abisaab said. 

Over 10 students approached Concordia’s Campus Safety and Prevention Services (CSPS) officers, pleading and demanding that the officers break up or separate the two groups. Instead, CSPS agents blocked access to the building’s escalators until the SPVM arrived.  

According to Abisaab, for students to feel safe on campus, Concordia needs to divest from companies complicit in the Palestinian genocide. 

SPVM arriving on campus 

At around 12:55 p.m., over 15 SPVM officers arrived on the scene. Ten minutes later, the police separated the two groups by taping off a portion of the mezzanine floor. Agents then proceeded to create a human barrier between the two groups. 

An hour after the counter-protest started, StartUp Nation and Haddad exited the Hall building and continued their demonstration outside. 

Aftermath

CSU external affairs and mobilization coordinator Danna Ballantyne claims the union did everything possible to prevent escalation. She said that after learning about the event, the CSU contacted StartUp Nation stating that the club was breaking CSU and Concordia regulations on space usage. 

According to a CSU email concerning booking tables, acquired by The Link, StartUp Nation answered “not applicable”  to the question of having an external member coming to the table. This violated Article 16 of Concordia’s and CSU’s policy on the temporary use of university spaces.  

In an attempt to stop the event the CSU also removed all tables from the mezzanine. 

Ballantyne also claims that the CSU was in contact with the acting dean of students and CSPS before the start of the event. Ballantyne stressed her disappointment in the lack of action from CSPS. 

“We were really hoping that today, the administration and [CSPS] […] would do their due diligence, and make sure all steps were taken to prevent these policy violations and this individual, who is a known Islamophobe, from stepping on campus,” she said.   

This altercation comes a month after the student union accused the university of allowing CSPS agents to racially profile students. 

According to Julie Fortier, Concordia’s spokesperson, the “CSU informed us of the event yesterday, when we understand they cancelled the tabling request. We also informed [StartUp Nation] that they had not followed the protocol for this tabling as they did not mention an external individual would be present and asked that they not proceed with the event.” 

When asked for a comment regarding student’s concerns over the presence of a former soldier on campus, the university did not answer to the question. 

Ex-Israeli defence soldier event interrupted by counter-protest Read More »

Social media fuels the activism fire

Graphic Myriam Ouazzani

Lory Saint-Fleur,
Local Journalism Initiative

From the ‘60s to now, student activism has blossomed due to the active role of social media

Technology is power. Power is influence. Influence can change the world. The impact of social media on student protests can be seen through simple numbers.

I have never considered myself an activist. While I care about important topics and advocate for people’s rights, I have never felt like my voice had much power. I’m not an eloquent speaker. I can’t gather troops and march. I don’t have an overwhelming charisma that allows me to get everyone’s attention. Regardless, social media has allowed me to play a part by spreading information and amplifying diverse voices by simply posting on my Instagram story.

Student activism has played a significant part in numerous movements, as young adults fight to build a better future for themselves and the next generation’s future. Throughout history, many turning points can be directly linked to the consistent efforts of student activists.

During the American civil rights movement, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee advocated for Black rights by organizing non-violent protests such as sit-ins and freedom rides. These actions put pressure on the American government, resulting in the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Nowadays, we see a similar pattern shaping the world.

In recent years, student activism has had a major impact on the fight against climate change. Greta Thunberg, a 23-year-old Swedish environmental activist, is at the forefront of the movement. The involvement of students in the movement has pressured governments worldwide to push initiatives such as the European Climate Law in 2021, in which countries legally commit member states to become climate-neutral by 2050. At Concordia, separating our waste into trash, recycling, and compost is one of the many initiatives toward a healthier planet, spearheaded by organizations like enuf Canada. 

The collective problem that all movements share is recruiting enough people to spread the word. Before social media, students would pass posters and flyers around their campus, organize meetings to inform people, and go door-to-door, which required a lot of manpower. In 2024, it can be a one-person operation. With the simple tap of your finger, information can be spread globally, and this has completely changed the game for student activism.

Roughly 250,000 people took part in the largest civil rights march in 1963. While we might see fewer people marching in the street in the 2000s, the online mobilization of millions continues to gain momentum. A similar movement, BLM, has been able to reunite 15 to 26 million people around the United States to diverse protests.

In October 2023, the Quebec government announced a hike in tuition for all out-of-province and international students attending English universities. Protests, teach-ins, strikes, and mobilization initiatives were rapidly shared on social media by the Arts and Science Federation of Associations (ASFA). Over a thousand students attended.

In the past six months, ASFA and other student associations, such as the Fine Arts Students Association, have continued to advocate for their cause through organized strikes. These strikes, lasting three to five days each, served as a means of amplifying their demands and putting pressure on the government to reconsider the tuition increases. Due to their social media presence, both of these associations have been able to unify hundreds of students in a short amount of time.

In the same pattern, student involvement in the pro-Palestine movement has been shared worldwide. From Columbia University in the USA to our neighbour McGill University, the popularization of encampments on university grounds has happened through TikTok and Instagram.

In contrast to the 1960s and even the early 2000s, social media has allowed me to speak on subjects close to my heart with greater ease and reach. This non-traditional means of activism permits people lacking a platform or audience to share their perspectives.

Social media has shifted from a personal diary to a source of power for a small audience to make changes. Social media is the new face of activism; it fuels ideas and creates legislation. Maybe I am an activist after all.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

Social media fuels the activism fire Read More »

PWHL Montreal announces Place Bell as primary venue for 2024-25

Montreal defeated New York 3-2 in its first game at Place Bell on Jan. 16, 2024. Courtesy PWHL Montreal

Jared Lackman-Mincoff,
Local Journalism Initiative

Montreal’s women’s hockey team played six games at Place Bell in 2023-24

Montreal’s Professional Women’s Hockey League (PWHL) team announced on Sept. 4 that it will play the majority of its home games at Laval’s Place Bell in the upcoming season.

The arena is also home to the Montreal Canadiens’ minor-league affiliate, the Laval Rocket.  It can accommodate just over 10,000 spectators, making it the second-largest hockey arena in the Greater Montreal area.

“We are extremely happy to be able to accommodate our growing number of fans and to give them even more opportunities to come support our players,” general manager Danièle Sauvageau said in the Sept. 4 press release.

PWHL Montreal played six of its 12 regular season home games at the Verdun Auditorium in its inaugural 2024 season. The team gained popularity as the season went on and quickly outgrew the roughly 4,000-seat arena.

One PWHL game was played at the Bell Centre late in the season, and both home playoff dates took place at Place Bell.

The team cemented Place Bell as its home by drawing over 9,000 fans to each playoff game, including a 10,172-capacity crowd in game two of its first-round series.

Four hockey teams will share the arena this season. Both of McGill University’s hockey teams will also play their home games in Laval due to renovations at McConnell Arena in downtown Montreal.

The 2024-2025 PWHL season will consist of 30 games and the start date has yet to be announced.

PWHL Montreal announces Place Bell as primary venue for 2024-25 Read More »

Science meets spectacle in a theatre soirée at Concordia

Science, art and drag collided at Concordia’s 4th Space. Photo India Das-Brown

India Das-Brown,
Local Journalism Initiative

Mitochondrial Drama was at once campy, raunchy, poetic and dreamy

If you’ve never seen a theatre soirée about mitochondria, expect campy costumes, partial nudity, power top organelles and torrents of drama.

Mitochondrial Drama presented all that and more on Sept. 10 at Concordia’s 4th Space in the JW McConnell Building.

“We urge you to think beyond theoretical notions of ‘peace’ and invest time into how science can be used for collective liberation, and not-for-profit seeking ventures,” host Spencer Dorsey said, before introducing the afternoon’s first act, Annie Thao Vy Nguyen. Nguyen, a Concordia student, shared their poem and audiovisual texture, “A Gentle Sprawl.”

Nguyen sat cross-legged as they meditated on the cycles of creation and dissolution, juxtaposing the micro and the macro, from the cell to the landscape.

The poem was followed by a roller-skating clown—the charmingly ditzy Bombalurina (Lumi Mitton). Following this, Beau James delivered a fierce and raunchy performance as Nyx Tamère, or, as proclaimed by Dorsey, “Mitochondria! Power top of the cell!”

Concordia students Grace Stamler and Michelle Shuman presented their short experimental film, “Amorphisms II.” The film explored trance states, where the barrier between being and the universe breaks down. “Amorphisms II” used experimental video to document the smallest and most formless expressions of being: eggs and cells.

Thereafter, Montreal-based drag king Madeleine (Kris Macheque) gave a delightfully stumbling, bumbling, Saran-wrapped performance, embodying a marvelous amoeba. 

Diün Macdonald presented their 5-minute film “Egg Me,” exploring the delicate balance between fragility and resilience embodied by the egg. The film’s nebulous imagery and ghostly narration framed a hypnotic dreamscape.

“I didn’t know what to expect,” said Macdonald, who has an arts rather than science background at Concordia. “I didn’t even know what an egg would look like under the microscope. I didn’t have any expectations, but it was just really funny, fun, and slimy, and super explorative.”

Dorsey closed the show with a fresh, romping drag performance of their own.

Concordia students Zoe Katz, Kathleen Hon and Anna Tchernikov co-organized the afternoon.

“We were really interested in how arts, and in this case, performance arts, can be a medium for translating science,” Katz said. “That comes from being a PhD student and really being broken down by how rough academia can be in terms of access barriers.”

Katz wanted to coordinate an event to talk about science in a more human, grounded and approachable way.

“There’s this notion that science is something that happens somewhere beyond [our] understanding […] that findings just materialize,” she said. “A face-to-face interaction really helps ground what science is, what it’s about, who does it.”

Katz has more ideas for how to merge art and science, including a rave with sounds derived from microbial sources.

“Imagine raving to a mitochondria signature and just fucking it up on the dance floor,” she said. “The possibilities are endless.”

Science meets spectacle in a theatre soirée at Concordia Read More »

Meet Montreal’s filthiest rave

The atmosphere is vibrant with celebration of queer nightlife at LATEX. Photo Dorothy Mombrun

India Das-Brown,
Local Journalism Initiative

At LATEX., hedonism is celebrated, and safety and consent are prioritized

On a recent Friday night, just shy of 1,000 people clad in black, leather and lace came together in the heart of Montreal’s Quartier des Spectacles. 

They gathered in fervent anticipation of another night of lust, communion and joyful pride at LATEX.

Since its inception in 2022, LATEX. has made a name for itself as Montreal’s filthiest rave, drawing inspiration from the vibrant energy of Berlin’s famously sex-positive techno spaces.

“[People see] the smoking section, they’re like, what the fuck is going on?” laughed Jeanne Dorais, co-organizer and self-described “legal guardian” of LATEX. 

The most recent edition of LATEX. was a celebration of the Southwest Asian and North African (SWANA) community, with only SWANA performers and DJs present. This was the third SWANA edition hosted by LATEX., the first being in July 2023.

Beyond the mystique of its attendees’ nightlife outfits, the rave has established itself as a versatile environment with unique spaces. The BDSM dungeon, with its kinky furniture and toys, is a beloved feature, along with watching onstage performers to a backdrop of throbbing techno and the unifying, ritualistic energy of the dance floor. 

Compared to the polished, vanilla energy of professional, daytime life, LATEX.’s raw but sexy countercultural atmosphere fosters a liberating atmosphere.

“I spent the whole night slapping asses,” said dungeon monitor Goddess Ges, describing her first-ever LATEX. gig where she was initially hired as a professional dominatrix in the rave’s early days.

But Ges’s responsibilities comprise more than just slapping asses and tying people to her St. Andrew’s cross. 

“My responsibilities are to make sure that everything is safe,” Ges said. “To make sure every play scene is done in a consensual way, [and] is done safely.”

Ges has curated the dungeon at LATEX., ornamented with floggers, riding crops, a St. Andrew’s cross and bondage furniture where she gives people a space to experiment. This is different from her usual dungeon work, where she focuses on the submissive. 

“A lot of people see [BDSM] as a bad thing,” Ges said. “When I worked [at LATEX.] as a domme, I didn’t really have control on what we were sharing with the people. I was just there to be a dominatrix and do what I do the best. But now I also instruct the people working with me. It really helps me to just [show] the world the way BDSM should be done.”

LATEX. has strict regulations surrounding dress code and behaviour. Before entering, staff place circular stickers, with “LATEX.” written in its signature hot pink, on the front and back of patrons’ smartphones, covering their cameras. Snapping a photo in the club can get you thrown out after a first-offence warning.

“It’s the only way we can keep control and make it a safe space,” Dorais said. “We want everyone to feel understood, respected, safe, included.”

LATEX. was founded by Taher Gargouri, a Montreal-based DJ and rave curator. Gargouri spent about a year living in Berlin, staying there intermittently for five to six months at a time. Whilst cities like Berlin have relatively accessible routes into the BDSM community through sex clubs and raves, the scene in Montreal lacks space for a younger, BIPOC, queer crowd, according to Dorais.

“There aren’t many spaces like there are in Berlin that are very inclusive. It felt like in the Montreal scene, the fetish scene or the kink scene in Montreal was very white, a bit older, very heteronormative,” Dorais said. “[That] was the idea, to bring that kind of [Berlin] vibe and make it happen in Montreal, and create a safe space for BIPOC, queer people to explore that very fun and kinky way of enjoying raving and music.”

This is where LATEX. comes in—a rave that creates a sex-positive atmosphere, without any obligation to join in with the kink. It’s a place where the focus is on expression and community. For kink newbies, it’s an opportunity to meet like-minded people and learn the ropes of safety and consent. For others, whether they’re experienced in BDSM or just looking to dress up and enjoy the atmosphere, it’s a fun and welcoming space to be themselves.

Rowan Steele, who was granted a pseudonym due to the nature of their occupation, attended their first LATEX. event nearly one and a half years ago, and has only missed one event since.

“In my first experience [at LATEX.], I was a little bit intimidated, even as someone who has unlearned a lot of sexual shame and who’s very confident and comfortable in their own skin,” said Steele, who commutes from Ottawa to Montreal for each event. 

“My first LATEX. experience really taught me that [kink spaces] are places of belonging, curiosity, experimentation and exposure to new sensations and feelings that can actually also encourage figuring out what you like and what feels good.”

For Steele, the fashion side of LATEX. is just as meaningful as everything else. They and their friends plan their outfits weeks in advance of the events.

“I love getting ready just as much as I love being there,” Steele said, “and just figuring out how we can best feel good in our bodies and serve a look, which kind of lends itself to the deliciousness that LATEX. creates.

There’s something simultaneously exciting, vulnerable and sincere about being near nude and sexually visible in a space where everyone else is in the same boat. Compared to other clubs that are primarily dominated by the male gaze and nightlife that does not always feel safe, LATEX. is like a sensual embrace.

“I’ve never been to a party where so many people just kind of walk up to you and ask with so much politeness and consent, like, ‘Can I make out with you?’” Steele laughed. “People are very caring and considerate, and that helps me come out of my shell and focus on connecting instead of protecting. […] I just think LATEX. is a really important part of my journey when it comes to feeling good in my body and reclaiming my sexual autonomy on my own terms.”

LATEX. has partnered with GRIP, a nonprofit that encourages safer drug use practices, and Équijustice, an organization focused on mediating conflicts, cyber crime, harassment, intimate violence and mistreatment.

“Every single party in the city has had situations that either made someone uncomfortable or made a mistake. When you have that many people on substances in one building partying, there are always things to learn,” said Syana Barbara, one of LATEX.’s resident DJs. “One thing I do want to give props to LATEX. for is that they’ve always listened to their crowd […] and actively take the criticism, whether good or bad, and say, ‘OK, we’re gonna make sure at the next party it doesn’t happen.’”

While LATEX. is known for its unbridled energy, throbbing techno and unapologetic, kinky celebration, it is also a political collective.

“A huge majority of the nightlife scene is conducting normal business in total silence as if nothing is happening,” Dorais said. “A major change has to strike the status quo. […] There’s no room for Zio[nist]s, genocide apologists or both-sides neutrality in our events.”

“Celebrating SWANA culture and uplifting our community means the world to us,” read a recent LATEX. Instagram post. 

LATEX. is more than just a rave. For the community, the message on the event’s website is clear: “We are here, we are queer, and we are FREE.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 4, published October 22, 2024.

Meet Montreal’s filthiest rave Read More »

Stuck in the trend loop

Graphic Myriam Ouazzani

Claudia Beaudoin,
Local Journalism Initiative

The impact of TikTok’s rapid-fire trend culture

Time might march on at its usual pace, but TikTok trends race ahead, leaving many of us struggling to keep up.

Online culture has carved out a new kind of in-group, where you either catch on or are left behind.

It comes as no surprise that algorithms are becoming pressingly faster, and our attention spans shorter. We spend far less time talking about one subject before we move on to the next, whether that be news, memes or drama. The speed at which we discuss topics reflects the rapid nature of trends, leading to a situation where both small and significant subjects are quickly overlooked as they fade from the spotlight in a matter of days.

I have actively been trying to reduce my consumption of online content for years now, but doing so raises some challenges. 

While TikTok trends have certainly helped people find their niche and connect with others, it’s difficult for me to focus solely on the positives. Instagram has been my only connection to the digital world for the past four years, and even with that, I often feel like I’m missing out. The trend I just discovered? It’s already weeks old and no longer relevant—why am I still speaking about the mob wife aesthetic? With the sheer volume of content, even when I’m active, it’s easy to feel out of the loop. It can be overwhelming, not very mindful and certainly not demure.

When I’m in a room with people of different ages, I realize how disconnected TikTok trends are, almost sounding like a foreign language to those who aren’t online. Yet, perhaps that’s part of their appeal. Because they are so niche, they create a strong sense of belonging for some. Still, this does leave others feeling left out. The humour that often goes viral is very specific and subjective. What I find funny might not resonate with you, but now there’s this unspoken expectation that we should all be on the same page.

Have you seen this trend? No? Now it’s awkward. Wait, I’ll dig through endless streams of videos, hoping to land on the one clip that will somehow explain the joke.

I’ve heard people describe this exact humour as “braindead” or being “chronically online.” It’s not that it’s inherently bad, but it often requires a deep familiarity with online culture to fully get it. 

Beyond my confusion—a sentiment I share with many non-TikTok users—it’s clear that these trends have a deeper impact, especially in terms of consumption. Fashion, once guided by a 20-year cycle, has been thrown off course. Now, in just four years, we’ve sped through multiple phases and aesthetics from E-girl to cottage core. Amazon storefronts encourage us to buy the latest trendy gadgets, things we’ll likely use once and forget about in a month. This constant motion desensitizes us to time and space, making it all feel fleeting and disposable.

Yet, of all things, underconsumption has recently become a trend—perhaps signalling a shift. Or maybe it will fade as quickly as it emerged.

I don’t have a bone to pick with any specific trend. While some might glamorize things that shouldn’t be glamorized or normalize problematic behaviours, like filming people without their consent, there are positive trends as well, like the recent surge in running. 

However, it seems that moderation and critical thinking are where we struggle. Social media thrives on keeping us engaged, often pushing us to label, overconsume and categorize everything as an aesthetic. How can we move beyond this cycle—stopping the labelling, resisting overconsumption and letting go of the pressure to cringe when something falls out of trend? 

I’m not here to yuck anyone’s yum. But maybe we could all benefit from touching grass a little more, disconnecting, and remembering that these trends are online for a reason.

Stuck in the trend loop Read More »

Concordia allows CSU to book spaces on campus for elections

Photo Caroline Marsh

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

The decision comes after the union filed a “motion to stay” in court

On Feb. 28, Concordia University officially agreed to grant temporary booking privileges to the Concordia Student Union (CSU). The decision was made after the CSU filed a motion to stay–a formal request asking the court to suspend proceedings in a case on Feb. 27. 

In a letter sent to the CSU, Concordia University’s lawyers confirmed that the union will be temporarily allowed to book spaces on campus, but only in relation to the upcoming CSU elections

This decision comes after nearly a month of dispute between the CSU and Concordia. 

The university launched an investigation into the union and suspended its ability to book spaces on campus on Feb. 6 due to claims that the CSU allegedly breached multiple university policies, as well as the Code of Rights and Responsibilities, during a Special General Meeting (SGM) on Jan. 29. At the SGM, the overwhelming majority of students present voted for the union to adopt two Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions motions. 

In response, the CSU sent Concordia a cease and desist letter on Feb. 20 and accused the university of restraining freedom of speech. The letter also outlined how the union needed to be allowed to book spaces on campus to hold its upcoming elections.

The union gave Concordia 72 hours to rescind its suspension. A week after the cease and desist, the CSU filed a motion to stay to the Montreal Division of the Superior Court of Québec, aiming to halt Concordia’s booking sanctions. 

In the 24-page document filed by the CSU, the student union asked the court to order Concordia  to suspend Dr. Anne Whitelaw and Dr. Michael Di Grappa’s decision which revoked CSU’s right to book space on campus, “until the outcome of the Application for judicial review.” 

According to Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci, the university has agreed to temporarily allow the union to book certain spaces on campus solely for the purpose of their elections.

Maestracci added that, for the polling period from March 11 to 13, polling stations can be booked in the lobby of the Henry F. Hall Building, the John Molson School of Business Hall lobby, the EV basement, the LB Atrium, the SP Building and the CJ Building. Maestracci said that, apart from election-based bookings for polling and campaigning, no other bookings will be accepted for the CSU. 

According to Concordia’s letter to the union, the university will temporarily grant access to booking but would still proceed to contest the union’s allegations in front of the Court. 

With files from Maria Cholakova 

Concordia allows CSU to book spaces on campus for elections Read More »

The toxic cesspool that is online anime culture

Anonymity and a lack of moderation are key points of 4chan’s notorious identity. Graphic Sylvia Dai

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Exploring deep-rooted racism, misogyny and transphobia in online discussions of the animation style

ontent warning: This article contains mentions of transphobia.

In 2003, 15-year-old anime fan Christopher Poole took inspiration from the Japanese forum site “2chan” to create his own anonymous, discussion-based online platform in the Western world.

He called it 4chan, and while it began as a site from which users could share and discuss anime—particularly hentai, a form of animated Japanese pornography—it rapidly transgressed into something much more sinister. 

“[With 4chan], you had a group of people who were really holding onto these ideas and they needed a space to express them,” said Aurélie Petit, a doctoral candidate in film and moving images studies at Concordia University.

Petit pointed to anonymity and a lack of moderation as key points of 4chan’s allure, the freedom for users to post whatever they want with no repercussions, under the safety blanket of a fake name. 

Petit’s thesis, entitled “Of Tentacles and Men: How anime shaped the internet as we know it,” explores the progression of the online anime fandom and its deep-rooted ties to misogyny, racism, homophobia and more. 

But the problematic nature of the fandom, she said, traces back decades, even before the creation of 4chan. According to Petit, the role that online forums have taken in the anime fandom since the 1990s—as well as who is using these forums—is distinct.

“It’s like a way to socialize, very often between heterosexual men,” Petit said. “It was the same on 4chan: for them, it was about translating hentai—because people were watching hentai online in the ‘90s—and then sharing it with their friends.” 

She added that the fact that these forum sites’ users were primarily white, cisgender,  heterosexual men lies at the origin of the online anime fandom’s ties to alt-right ideologies over the years. 

And for one Montreal-based anime fan in particular, this demographic breakdown is what has steered her from previous heavy involvement in online discussions about anime. 

“So often, when I go on Reddit or some other [site] where people are talking about an anime series that I really like, there are so many gross and sexist opinions on it,” said Ayra Megan, who has been granted a pseudonym for safety reasons. “Unfortunately when I was young, I used to chat [on these sites] and naively go along with what people were saying.” 

Megan added that the discussion of women’s bodies in anime on these online forums led to her having self-image issues in her teenage years. 

“In some animes, young women in particular are shown as having big chests but small waists, and they are often [wearing] short skirts or a form of revealing clothing that so obviously sexualizes them,” Megan said. “The way these characters are talked about online, by men, is just appalling.”

According to another long-time fan of the art form, racism in anime can be traced back to the start of the art style.

“It’s really baked into anime from the beginning, in my opinion,” said Embraline Schuilenburg, a 21-year-old anime fan. “It got created as a medium at a time when a lot of these ideas—misogyny, racism in particular—these were common thought trains in society, and they definitely reflect in the work.”

Schuilenburg noted that, as an example, stereotypical and offensive portrayals of Black characters can often be found in anime, as well as racist depictions of other Asians besides Japanese people. 

“[Some animes] will give other Asian characters the classic ‘squinty’ eye, which is really interesting considering it’s reflecting an almost internalized self-hatred,” Schuilenburg said. 

According to Schuilenburg, it’s not just racism that can be found in dated anime TV series and movies, however.

One stand-out example of transphobia, she recalled, stems from the 1992 show Yu Yu Hakusho

The show features a fight scene between a man and a woman, in which the male fighter, Yusuke, grabs the woman’s genitals mid-fight to “check and make sure” his opponent is biologically female. At the end of the fight, Yusuke exposes the woman—who is described as a transgender demon on the fandom wiki page—to his friends, exclaiming, “It turns out our ‘Mrs.’ is a ‘Mr.’”

According to Petit, this deep-rooted alt-right rhetoric within the online anime fandom even supersedes the fandom itself. 

She pointed to an instance involving Arizona Representative Paul Gosar, who, in 2016, edited himself killing New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in a fight scene from the popular anime series Attack on Titan

As another adjacent example, Petit mentioned Gamergate, an online harassment campaign from 2014 to 2015 that sought to shun women within the larger online gaming community. Traits of toxic masculinity within the gaming community are largely connected to the online anime fandom, where similar rhetoric is perpetuated.

Moving forward, Petit emphasized the importance of recognizing the problematic nature of the fandom to prevent furthering it. 

“As long as we’re not confronting this history,” Petit said, “we’re just going to keep repeating it.”

A previous version of this article had miswritten Aurélie Petit’s thesis title. The Link regrets this error. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 11, published March 18, 2025.

The toxic cesspool that is online anime culture Read More »

Rachel Cusk reinvents the novel, again

Photo Cedric Gallant

India Das-Brown,
Local Journalism Initiative

Parade is a force to be reckoned with

Parade, presented as a novel, might be better described as a manifesto, a philosophical confrontation or even a 198-page op-ed. 

From its opening pages, the book delves into startling, emblazoned questions about artistic truth, modern life, death, and gender in all its violence and delicacy. Relentlessly philosophical, linguistically precise and gleefully, categorically disruptive, Cusk has created a novel that warrants deliberative and attentive reading. 

Cusk has long been associated with the dismantling of narrative convention, including in her 2014 Outline trilogy, which was courageously driven by cool-headed monologue. Known for her unapologetic intelligence, with Parade, she pushes these experiments further still, and what remains is not so much a story as a kind of existential excavation.

The narrative introduces us to numerous different artists, men and women, all of whom are named “G.” These stories overlap, but never clearly. We are introduced first to a male artist “G,” who paints everything upside down. G’s wife, we learn, “was quietly satisfied, because she herself felt that this reality G had so brilliantly elucidated, identical to its companion reality in every particular but for the complete inversion of its moral force, was the closest thing she knew to the mystery and tragedy of her own sex.” So we are first presented with the running discussion of gender―specifically womanhood, with all its expectations, misfortunes and necessities―that is carried throughout the novel. 

We are introduced, in a parallel story, to a female artist “G.” This G believes that “if one were to answer truthfully the question of what a female art might look like, it would have to be composed chiefly of a sort of non-existence.” It becomes clear that Parade is as ready to criticize and satirize, as it is to assert, the often self-reinforced timidity and tribulations of womanhood.

The narrative voice―noticeably monotone, yet fluid and rich with description―is so scopic that it is at first tempting to ask where the unique scores of each character’s voices have gone. The answer is that they were never there; rather, Cusk’s characters, who speak in long, sweeping monologues devoid of quotation marks, are a gallery of characters through which a vividly enacted meditation on life is conveyed via the consciousness of the author.

There is a formalism here, but also honesty, deliberately fashioned. Cusk writes with intellectual ferociousness that takes a moment to settle and a few afternoons to digest. In its exploration, her prose is relentless, witty and at times ugly in its candidness. 

In some ways, this is a book of pain: of shame, deaths, losses, delicate alliances, inescapable truths. But each line is also steeped with life, vivacity and description so delightfully fluid that I was struck with the thought that perhaps―this is not just a novel about pain without sentimentality or life without agency, but about the truth at its most bare. 

Or maybe, I’m entirely mistaken. When one of Cusk’s characters says, “Not to be understood is effectively to be silenced, but not understanding can in its turn legitimise that silence,” I can only hope that I understand the author as well as I claim to.

“Of all the arts,” says one of Cusk’s “G”s, who writes film reviews under an assumed name, “[writing] was the most resistant to dissociation from the self. A novel was a voice, and a voice had to belong to someone.”

Of Cusk, this is certainly true. With a disorienting, dissective and forceful candour that is unmistakably her own, Cusk’s writing is more comparable to that of Virginia Woolf or Thomas Bernhard than to most modern fiction. This is a novel that asks not to be consumed, but confronted, and I can assure you that it is worth the effort.

Rachel Cusk reinvents the novel, again Read More »

Concordia TAs and RAs to strike indefinitely for better working conditions

Photo Camila Lewandowski

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Following months of negotiations, CREW members are demanding increased wages and job security

Following the adoption of a pressure tactics motion on Jan. 30 and a subsequent strike mandate on Feb. 23, the Concordia Research and Education Workers Union (CREW) announced on March 9 that it will begin an indefinite strike for better working conditions starting March 12. 

The union has been in negotiations with Concordia University for a new collective agreement since the spring of 2024. 

On Jan. 30, CREW presented its new collective agreement to its membership, which lists its demands for “vital wage increases” to match inflation, a fairer workload for teaching assistants (TAs) and research assistants (RAs), better job security through indexed contract hours, and more. 

On its website, the union also writes that it is looking for “stronger protections for members who come forward to report exploitation, harassment, discrimination, or other grievances.”

CREW represents over 2,000 TAs and RAs at Concordia. The vote passed with 95 per cent in favour of the strike mandate.

With the prospect of a strike looming, a tentative agreement was offered by the university at the beginning of March. This was rejected by CREW with 66 per cent voting against it during two Special General Assemblies (SGMs) on March 6 and 8. 

As of March 12, TAs and RAs will halt their work contracts with the university in compliance with the strike. According to the CREW website, a picket line will be maintained two days a week at the Loyola campus and every weekday at the Sir George Williams campus for the entire duration of the strike. Picketing will begin as early as the first day of striking.

The website further states that starting the week of March 16, SGMs will be held every Monday to receive updates from the bargaining committee and, following March 24, receive cheques for the Professional Defence Fund (PDF). The PDF aims to financially support CREW members during times of strike or lockout. 

With no timeline given for the strike yet, CREW’s website states that the strike will end once CREW members vote to accept a tentative agreement reached with the employer.

The Link’s news editor Geneviève Sylvestre and sports editor Jared Lackman-Mincoff are teaching assistants and had no involvement in this article.

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Montrealers protest 300 days of genocide in Palestine

A few dozen protesters march through Downtown Montreal to denounce 300 days of genocide in Gaza. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Protesters march from Dorchester Square to the Israeli Consulate continuing their demand for a ceasefire in Palestine

On Aug. 3, Montrealers gathered to protest 300 days of genocide in Gaza. 

The demonstration, organized by the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM) Montreal, began around 2 p.m. at Dorchester Square with protesters waving flags, playing music and banging on drums to enliven the crowd.

A speaker for PYM Montreal addressed the crowd before they began marching. 

“We must continue to be the voice of justice,” said the speaker. “We demand, as we have for the last 300 days, an immediate ceasefire and an end to the genocide.”

The speaker also called for the release of 10,000 Palestinians from Israeli prisons, an immediate arms embargo on Israel and the lifting of the siege on Gaza. 

Since Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has instigated over 17,000 attacks in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iran, over 60 per cent of which were on Palestinian territory.   

Additionally, over 39,445 Palestinians, 15,000 of whom were children, have been killed since the events of Oct. 7. 2023. According to a study done by the medical journal Lancet, the total death count could exceed 186,000. 

Protesters waving Palestinian flags left the square at around 3:30 p.m. and began marching up René-Lévesque Blvd.

Zeyad Abisaab is the former general coordinator of Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights Concordia and a member of PYM Montreal. He spoke of the importance of standing in solidarity with Palestine. 

“What happens here in the West, in the diaspora, the people in Gaza they see it. The people that are resisting the genocide, they feel it,” said Abisaab. “If they are not deterred from a genocide, if they are resisting, then what is our excuse here to not want to stand in solidarity with them?” 

PYM Montreal has been organizing weekly protests to stand in solidarity with Palestine, with many drawing in hundreds of Montrealers. Abisaab considers this an “unprecedented accomplishment.”

“There is unrest in this city. The people of Montreal and the people of Quebec, through these protests and other events, have shown their opposition to this genocide,” he said.

Estelle and her friend Nawel, whose last names have been kept anonymous for safety reasons, have attended a few protests in solidarity with Palestine.

“As citizens, we have a [voice] which is fairly powerful and I find it important to continue to manifest that power in solidarity with the people of Palestine,” said Estelle. 
 
The Gaza Health Ministry recently declared a polio epidemic in Gaza. The virus was detected in samples of wastewater in Khan Younis and Deir al-Balah and, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), children under five years old, especially infants under two years old, are at risk.

The WHO is sending over 1 million vaccines to help lessen the spread of the virus, but the organization claims a ceasefire and an increase in humanitarian aid is necessary to avoid deaths. 

Maud, who was also granted last name anonymity for safety reasons, is a French citizen who has been attending protests and demonstrations for Palestine for years both in France and in Montreal. 

“It’s the moral minimum to support Palestinians today,” said Maud. “300 days is too many, it’s 300 days too many.”

The protest ended at 4:38 p.m. in front of the Israeli Consulate with organizers handing out watermelon slices to the crowd. 

Montrealers protest 300 days of genocide in Palestine Read More »

Historic areas for student activism at Concordia

Demonstrators flooding the Hall building during the Netanyahu riot. Photo Steve Faguy

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The legacy of student activism is embedded in the university’s walls

The walls of Concordia University have bore witness to countless student activism movements throughout the years. 

Student activists have organized strikes, walkouts and sit-ins, occupied areas across campus and the city to fight for their cause. Here is a list of historical gathering spaces at Concordia and in Montreal for student activism. 

Ninth-floor computer lounge 

In 1969, Concordia University—then called Sir George Williams University—was home to the largest student protest in Canadian history, often referred to as the Computer Riot

In 1968, around a dozen Caribbean and Black students accused their biology professor, Perry Anderson, of systematically and unfairly awarding them low or failing grades due to racial bias. 

A complaint was filed to the dean of students, but after students were dissatisfied with the handling of the complaint, they asked Concordia to establish a hearing committee. 

The committee was established, but the administration did not allow students to sign off on committee members and ignored students’ concerns about three members’ abilities to remain impartial. 

Following a hearing on Jan. 26, 1969, over 400 students walked out in protest and occupied the ninth-floor computer lounge. Protestors also occupied the faculty lounge on the seventh floor, nine days later. 

After 14 days, a negotiation agreement was seemingly reached and most protesters went home, but negotiations fell apart. On Feb.11, the university called the police to remove the remaining protesters. 

Demonstrators threw computers out of the window in protest and a fire broke out in the computer lab. Police officers unleashed violence on protesters and 97 students were arrested. 

Eighteen-year-old Coralee Hutchison suffered head trauma inflicted by the police on Feb. 11 and died shortly after of a brain aneurysm. Her parents believe it was due to police violence. 

Concordia only apologized for the handling of these events in 2022 and did not comment on Hutchison’s death. 

Henry F. Hall building

Concordia students have a long history of Palestinian activism, with the ground floor of the Hall building being used as a space of demonstration for decades. 

In November 2000, hundreds of students gathered in the Hall building’s auditorium for a Concordia Student Union (CSU) general assembly. They discussed a motion in support of withdrawing armed Israeli forces from the occupied territories and to call for a Canadian boycott of Israel. Despite not meeting their quorum, the CSU agreed to bring the question to referendum during the next election, and it passed with 54 per cent of the votes. 

On Sept. 9, 2002, the Hall became grounds for another riot: the Netanyahu Riot. Students gathered in front of the Hall building to protest Hillel Concordia’s invitation of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to speak at the university. 

A confrontation between both sides escalated, two windows were smashed and the university called the police, who sprayed pepper gas into the crowd to disperse protesters. 

Since the events of Oct. 7, 2023, the movement for Palestinian solidarity at Concordia has grown with existing organizations like Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights Concordia spearheading the movement. 

Classrooms across campuses 

Tuition hikes are a highly controversial topic in Montreal, with student protesters going to extreme means to contest tuition raises. 

Most notably, the 2012 protests—now known as Maple Spring—lasted over 100 days with thousands of students taking to the streets to protest Jean Charest’s proposed plan to raise tuition by $325 a year over five years, amounting to a 61 per cent increase. 

Students across Quebec started mobilizing, and Concordia was no exception: student groups were striking, blocking classrooms and even blocking all entrances to the Hall building on the first day of exams to protest tuition hikes. 

This past year saw a renewal in tuition hike demonstrations to protest Quebec premier François Legault’s plan to raise tuition for out-of-province and international students. In March 2024, over 20,000 students were on strike and picketers arranged demonstrations and blocked classrooms in protest of the hikes.  

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

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Out-of-province student faces tuition increase and no support

Alison Prissinotti’s tuition increased significantly after she changed programs. Photo Alice Martin

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Lack of clear communication from the administration leaves out-of-province student in the dark

Alison Prissinotti was accepted to Concordia University to pursue a Bachelor of Arts in anthropology for the 2023-24 academic year. 

As a student from British Columbia, she was part of the last cohort of out-of-province students accepted before the implementation of the Quebec government’s tuition hikes in September 2024. 

At the start of the Fall 2024 semester, the tuition for out-of-province students at English universities in the province increased from $8,992 to $12,000, with some exceptions given to students attending Bishop’s University.  

Students like Prissinotti did not have to pay the increased rate as they were accepted into their program before the implementation of the tuition hikes. 

However, out-of-province students choosing to pursue a degree transfer are subject to the tuition increase. 

When Prissinotti sought to change her degree from anthropology to print media, it had not yet been officially confirmed that changing programs would increase her tuition. When she got accepted into the program in May 2024, she had not yet received a clear answer from the university and decided to accept her admission offer.

“I did [accept] because they still hadn’t said anything and I figured by the time it’s summer and people have already received admission to certain universities that they wouldn’t be changing any tuition that late-notice,” Prissinotti said.

Over the Winter 2024 semester, she sent emails to departments such as academic advising and the Birks Student Service Centre looking for answers for whether she could change her program without her tuition increasing.   

She was informed that a change in program may affect her tuition, but that the government had not yet clarified with Concordia all the details of the tuition increase. At the start of June, the Birks centre told Prissinotti to keep an eye out on the Concordia website for any changes. 

According to web archives, information clarifying that students pursuing a degree transfer would be subject to a tuition increase was not made public on the Concordia website before Aug. 18, 2024, at the earliest. This update was only published two weeks before the start of the fall semester.

“We regret the confusion that some out-of-province students have had to face due to the new tuition policy,” Concordia spokesperson Julie Fortier said in an email to The Link. “The government unfortunately only confirmed details concerning students switching programs on August 2, 2024.” 

Fortier added that, due to lack of clear government directives, Concordia warned students that changing programs may result in higher tuition fees as soon as the new measures were announced.

Prissinotti is financially responsible for her education and relies on student loans from the government to cover the cost of her tuition. As such, she claims she was not given a clear answer from the university about the tuition increase before receiving a much higher amount in student loans than she usually does.

“I was not notified by anybody, I never received any email about it,” Prissinotti said. “I was notified by my student loans, which was ridiculous and I feel like I deserved better.”

She said she asked to go back into her old program but was informed that her tuition would increase no matter what. 

“I couldn’t afford the tuition to begin with before it was increased, never mind now,” Prissinotti said. “And so, if I can’t get enough external funding for next year, I’m gonna have to leave school and I don’t want to do that.”

Prissinotti said she felt angry and abandoned, and like the university was not listening to her needs.

“I feel like I’ve actually built a community here in Montreal and I love my life here and I love being in school. Truly all I want to do is be in school and do this program,” Prissinotti said. “It felt like something I’d worked really hard for […] had been taken away from me.”

After the tuition hikes were announced, Concordia implemented funding opportunities for out-of-province students to help lessen the financial strain of the increase in tuition fees. 

As it was too late for her to apply to any other universities, Prissinotti chose to stay at Concordia and try to apply for awards and bursaries to help her pay for tuition. Since her tuition increased, she said she is spending hours every week emailing people and applying to different grants and bursaries. 

“It’s kind of a part-time job, honestly,” Prissinotti said. “My break from doing homework is researching bursaries.”

She had an in-person meeting at the Ombuds Office in September 2024 for help on applying to scholarships and awards. On Sept. 15, she received confirmation from an ombudsperson that they will be looking into her file.

“I will look into the scholarships available through Financial Aid for new students and see what I can find out regarding eligibility for people in your situation,” the ombudsperson said in the email. 

Prissinotti exchanged a few more emails with the Ombuds Office and, on Jan. 20, 2025, she asked if it would be possible to provide an estimated end date to the investigation as the results will determine whether or not she needs to start applying to other universities. 

She was told that the Ombuds Office cannot provide a date but that they are hoping the investigation will be completed soon. She only received a notice of conclusion of her file on March 5, 2025. 

The office informed her she was not eligible for any out-of-province student awards as she is neither a student applying to Concordia from high school or a student transferring from an external Canadian university or college, which are the listed requirements for these awards.

“We therefore see no unfairness and we have no recommendations,” the decision reads.

The office also told Prissinotti that Concordia is planning on developing regular communications with program directors so that students can be advised appropriately on tuition increases. 

After months of unsuccessful communication, Prissinotti says she feels she has received next to no support from the university.

“It’s just a cycle of getting the same email,” she said. “They’d tell me to talk to this person and that person and everyone had the same answer, which was to look at the financial aid website for awards and bursaries of which—even if I got all the ones that I was eligible for—would not cover half of the cost.”

Prissinotti is not the only student feeling frustrated. Ella Rutera, a journalism student with a minor in education from Saskatchewan, said she wanted to switch to a communication major but couldn’t due to the cost. 

Rutera also said she feels pressure to graduate before the end of the grace period in summer 2029, after which she would need to pay the new tuition rate.  

“I had to declare a minor for my program, and with my specific minor, [the classes] are always full and I can never take any,” Rutera said. “I definitely feel pressure that I have to graduate on time.” 

Prissinotti said she feels that the university has no support system for students in her situation. 

“I think that the university should have been more organized on that front of letting people know when this was going to be happening, even if they didn’t know,” Prissinotti said. “They should have prioritized supporting students who this was happening to.”

Looking to the future, as the date has passed for Prissinotti to apply to other universities, she is hoping to find a way to secure enough funding to finish her degree. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 11, published March 18, 2025.

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Tuition hikes threaten student services

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Concordia’s precarious financial situation can be felt in every corner of the school

Concordia University is facing what is being referred to as “extraordinarily challenging times” in the budget updates for the 2024-2025 fiscal year, leading to a drop in student services.

The Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) tuition hikes at English-language universities increased the tuition for out-of-province students to $12,000 and of international students to a minimum of $20,000. International students from France and francophones from Belgium pay out-of-province student fees. 

Angelica Antonakopoulos is the Arts and Science Federation of Associations (ASFA)’s academic coordinator. She says the government has made the Quebec education system inaccessible.

“Our institutions, especially English institutions in the province of Quebec, have now been priced out of the game,” Antonakopoulos said.  

Concordia is experiencing the largest drop in enrollment in its history, with a projected drop of 1,200 students for 2024-2025. Registration for out-of-province students has declined by 28 per cent and for international students by 11 per cent.

Concordia student groups and student unions are all funded by a fee-levy collected from each student’s tuition based on the number of credits they are taking. A decline in the student population leads to a decrease in funding for these groups.

According to Danna Ballantyne, the external and mobilization coordinator for the Concordia Student Union (CSU), the decrease in funding is already being felt by the CSU. 

“We’ve had to forecast a decrease in budget because of a drop in enrollment,” Ballantyne said, “and that’s affecting the CSU in basically every facet.”

Concordia’s goal is to reach a deficit of $34.5 million for the 2024-2025 school year, down from the original projection of a $78.9 million deficit, requiring $35.8 million in budget cuts. 

According to CSU Campaigns research, students can expect to see fewer course offerings, larger class sizes and a loss in funding to programs deemed inefficient.     

Adam Sermergian is ASFA’s mobilization coordinator. He says that students are unhappy about some of the university’s budget cuts, mainly regarding the reduction of the shuttle bus service.

“ASFA [is] really trying to promote that we, as students, should have a say on what gets cut and what does not get cut,” Sermergian said.

The government’s new tuition framework makes it so a bigger percentage of tuition fees is clawed back from universities in Quebec to be added to a government pool split between the whole university network. 

Before the new tuition framework, the tuition fees for international students were deregulated, with universities in Quebec setting the tuition fee for international students and keeping all of the revenue. 

The government pool has increased 54 per cent since last year, from $259 million to $400 million. English institutions account for 50 per cent of the clawback, but will only be receiving 20 per cent in return. 

Penelope Higgins, CSU’s campaigns researcher, has been working on two reports that will be published shortly regarding the history and impact of the tuition hikes on the Concordia student population. She believes this clawback is a way for the government to avoid investing in universities.


“It is a way of cutting public funding for them. They take more money from student fees, […] that gives the government more money to spend on universities that doesn’t have to come from public funding,” Higgins said. “So it’s a way of privatizing the source of funding for higher education.”

Higgins says that, regardless of tuition framework, international students are expected to pay for everyone.

“This is a larger and a longer fight for international students to be treated with justice, and to not be exploited as a source of funding to keep what are supposed to be state-funded public services in Canada alive,” she said. 

Antonakopoulos says it’s important for students to care about tuition hikes because it is an issue that affects the entire student body.

“It’s really important for students to be incentivized to care,” Antonakopoulos said. “Because, even though they are not being affected personally at their bottom line, it is their education that will ultimately be affected.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

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Queer Concordia seeks to launch gender-affirming care pilot project

Banner from the Trans March for Our Liberation on Aug. 6, 2022. Photo Sophie Dufresne

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The project would provide students with interest-free loans to access gender-affirming care

Queer Concordia is looking to create a short-term, interest-free loan pilot project to help students relieve the financial burden associated with paying for gender-affirming care (GAC) procedures. 

The group will present the plan to the Concordia Student Union’s (CSU) Council of Representatives on Sept. 18. Queer Concordia will ask the union to allocate $100,000 annually to the project, which students under the CSU’s insurance can access as an interest-free loan.  

The CSU’s insurance provider, Studentcare, currently only covers $5,000 per procedure and a $10,000 lifetime maximum for GAC surgeries and treatments not otherwise covered by the student’s provincial government coverage.

GAC procedures can often exceed $5,000—even $10,000—per treatment. The pilot project proposal outlines the cost of one student’s surgeries that added up to a total of $33,000. Queer Concordia senior coordinator Jessica Winton said that the project’s loans would allow students to access the care they are paying for. 

“When a surgery is $10,000 or more, […] sitting around for up to a month waiting to be reimbursed by insurance for $10,000 can leave a very large hole in your pocket and very easily put you into debt,” Winton said.

If the CSU approves Queer Concordia’s proposal, the $100,000 would cover about 10 students at maximum per year.

Studentcare also requires that students receive a letter from a legally qualified physician or nurse practitioner confirming a gender dysphoria diagnosis to be eligible for GAC coverage. 

This goes against the recommendations of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) which state that “the use of rigid assessment tools for ‘transition readiness’ may reduce access to care,” and that a gender incongruence diagnosis “may better capture the fullness of gender diversity experiences and related clinical gender need.”

Adam Philomena is the Centre for Gender Advocacy’s community engagement coordinator. He believes that the insurance providers should follow WPATH recommendations and that healthcare providers should trust that patients seeking GAC have the most knowledge of their own bodies and identities. 

“The requirement of a gender dysphoria diagnosis is a huge barrier for a lot of people because […] people express their transness in different ways and may not be necessarily looking for that to be medicalized in a specific way,” they said. 

According to the CSU website, there is currently no pay-direct coverage available for the GAC plan, meaning that students seeking care must pay for the procedure out-of-pocket before making a claim for reimbursement.

Winton believes the pilot project if implemented could help relieve financial pressure for trans and gender-diverse students. 

“This will actually help people use the insurance,” Winton said. “Many people are put off from trying to use it because of the current restrictions of the $5,000 limit and the fact that you usually have to pay out-of-pocket.” 

The CSU’s Health and Dental Plan expanded to include gender affirming care in 2023. Undergraduate students that are paying provincial or out-of-province tuition rates and are enrolled in three or more credits are automatically signed-up for the plan that costs $225 for full-year coverage.

CSU finance coordinator Souad El Ferjani, said that she would be open to the project, but that Queer Concordia is asking for a substantial amount of money.

“Me and my team would be sitting down trying to see how we can solve this, how we can accommodate everybody without putting our budget in a bad position,” El Ferjani said.

Philomena claimed that, despite fee-levy employees having the same CSU Health and Dental plan as undergraduate students, they do not receive the Studentcare GAC coverage as they do not have student identification numbers. The CSU failed to verify the claim despite The Link’s attempt for clarification.

Quebec residents insured with the Régie de l’assurance maladie du Québec (RAMQ) can qualify for certain GAC surgeries and treatments, such as phalloplasties, vaginoplasties and mastectomies, if a doctor determines they are necessary. Other treatments, such as breast augmentations and facial feminization surgeries, are not covered by RAMQ as the government deems them purely esthetic. 

Many universities across Canada, including McGill University, have the same GAC coverage as Concordia. Rachel Bainbridge-Sedivy, a member of the McGill Trans Patient Union, said that the coverage is currently inaccessible. 

“It’s healthcare. It’s a human right. It’s important for people to be able to access that,” Bainbridge-Sedivy said. “Gender affirming care is /not cosmetic, it is medically necessary.”

Winton will present the project to the CSU on Sept. 18. She encourages students to voice their support for the pilot project.

“We’re really hoping that we can mobilize together and get this through,” Winton said, “because it really will help so many people.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

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Concordia spends close to $300,000 to replace Hall building windows

Concordia University has spent close to $300,000 to repair broken windows after vandalism. Photo Alice Martin

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The glass was vandalized during a demonstration in September

Concordia University has spent a total of $289,238.01 to conceal and repair broken windows in the lobby of the Henry F. Hall Building. 

Protesters shattered the windows during a demonstration on Sept. 29. The demonstrators had spray-painted pro-Palestine messages on the windows and carried a banner featuring the symbol of anarchy. 

According to information acquired by The Link, Concordia spent $277,262.21 to supply and install new windows and $9,642 on wooden boards to temporarily hide the vandalism. The university also spent $2,333.80 at the Concordia Print Store on black panels to further conceal the damage featuring temporary signage with the Concordia 50th anniversary logo. 

This comes as the university is facing what it refers to as “significant financial difficulties” following the Quebec government’s tuition hikes for English-language universities. 

Concordia has implemented cuts of 7.8 per cent to meet its financial objectives. Some of the cuts have included reducing the shuttle bus service schedule, implementing and maintaining a hiring freeze, and cutting classes with enrolment deemed too low. 

The September demonstration came four days after a student walkout in support of Palestine where police officers aggressively handled students and three protesters were arrested. 

According to Concordia deputy spokesperson Julie Fortier, the university will continue to call on the SPVM when people or events become violent.

“We need the entire community’s collaboration to help us maintain a peaceful study and work environment at Concordia,” Fortier said. “That’s why we called on all community members and groups to denounce violence, including vandalism of our buildings.”

The increase in political demonstrations at the university comes following over a year of genocide in Palestine. At the end of November, over 11,000 students at Concordia and 85,000 students across Montreal went on strike in support of an international university strike movement for Palestine. 

Student demands for the university include: Disclosing and divesting from companies investing in Israel, ending employment partnerships with companies complicit in genocide like Lockheed Martin and Bombardier, and publically condemning the ongoing genocide. 

The Concordia Student Union and nine other student associations have also formerly called for the university and Campus Safety and Prevention Services to end their relationship with the SPVM. 

As of the day of publication, the new Hall building windows no longer display the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 7, published January 14, 2025.

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CSU council fails to reinstate judicial board

Councillors elected one person to the CSU judicial board. Photo Ireland Compton

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Councillors only appointed one of the three positions needed for the board to be active

During the latest Concordia Student Union (CSU) regular council meeting (RCM) on Jan. 22, councillors appointed one student to the CSU judicial board.

A minimum of three members must be appointed for the board to be active.

The CSU judicial board acts as the judiciary branch of the union. It serves to render impartial judgments on complaints and cases by using and interpreting the CSU’s Bylaws and Standing Regulations. 

According to the CSU website, the last judicial board ruling was in 2022.

The meeting lasted over three hours. Councillors interviewed four applicants for the position, but only Suzana Ek received the two-thirds majority vote needed to be appointed. 

The first interview was scheduled for 7 p.m. but began late as council members debated on how to proceed with the meeting. The Link has granted this candidate anonymity due to privacy concerns. 

Councillor Drew Sylver asked the first candidate whether or not they were involved in an altercation on Concordia property, which some members of the executive team deemed inappropriate. 

Sylver disagreed, stating that it is important to know if judicial board candidates are impartial. Loyola coordinator Leen Al Hijjawi replied that a candidate can remain impartial in their position regardless of personal politics or affiliations. 

During the deliberation period, Sylver asked to “admit evidence” to the council. He alleged that he possessed one photo and one video of the first candidate at the Concordia University Hall building altercation on Nov. 8, 2023.  

Councillor Mohamad Abdallah shared concerns with Sylver sharing the image and video, as he believed it to be an attack on the candidate’s privacy. Sylver agreed and chose to instead describe the “evidence” he had acquired. 

He alleged that he obtained a photograph of the candidate present at the Hall building altercation and a video of them seemingly “yelling at a student at a thousand-person riot.”

He continued, saying, “I do not want someone adjudicating a judicial board case that has been present at a riot. I don’t care what riot, I don’t care what it was, I would much rather that person not be there.”

Al Hijjawi motioned for council to go into a closed session to view the video. 

Academic and advocacy coordinator Vanessa Massot said that they found the viewing of the video to be against procedural fairness, especially as the candidate was not present to defend themselves. 

The motion failed. 

After the first interview, council saw three more candidates: Nicola Woloz, Ek and Saraluz Barton-Gómez. 

Following the vote, council voted to adjourn the meeting before the completion of the agenda. 

CSU council fails to reinstate judicial board Read More »

Why (almost) everything is Ronald Reagan’s fault

Ronald Reagan’s policies have inflicted incredible damages on the American people and economy. Graphic Olivia Shan

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

How today’s extreme class disparity and economic instability can be traced back to the 1980s

In the ‘80s, the United States’ 40th president Ronald Reagan pushed social and economic plans that laid the groundwork for Donald Trump’s presidencies and growing social inequalities.

Inaugurated in 1981, the actor-turned-politician left a permanent stain on America, from his refusal to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic, leading to the deaths of thousands, to his economic policies strengthening class divides.

Still revered by modern-day conservatives, “Reaganomics,” based in supply-side economics, is an economic model based on cutting taxes for corporations and the highest-earners as well as deregulating industry, slowing spending on social programs and putting a higher emphasis on free trade. The reason: the belief that it would stimulate the economy by encouraging the rich to invest and having the money “trickle-down” to the consumers.

“Reaganomics” was mostly based on the theories of economist Arthur Laffer, who served as the chief economist for the US Office of Management and Budget from 1970 to 1972. Known as the father of supply-side economics, he created the Laffer curve, an economic theory outlining the presence of an optimal tax rate and how rising taxes too high can lead to a decrease in government revenue.

Laffer not only had a huge influence on Reagan, but he continues to be a key figure in conservative economic policy to this day. Indeed, he served as Trump’s economic advisor during his first term, with Trump awarding him the medal of freedom in 2019.

Reagan inherited an America suffering from high inflation and unemployment, which he promised to fix with his supply-side economic plan. Early in his first term, Reagan passed the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 (ERTA), cutting taxes for the highest earning Americans by 20 per cent.

He implemented massive cuts to social welfare programs, like federal student loans, and increased military spending. He deregulated healthcare, shifting the financial risks from private insurance providers to hospitals and doctors, which still impacts the system today.

His tight economic policy spurred a short six-month recession from 1981 to 1982. According to the Pew Research Center, 54 per cent of Americans in September 1982 agreed that Reagan’s policies had made their financial situation worse, although many believed it would improve.

As such, despite being known for tax-cutting, Reagan was forced to raise taxes across the board in 1982,1983,1984 and 1987, effectively cutting the intended effect of the ERTA in half. While he managed to lower inflation and unemployment, by the end of his tenure, the government deficit had tripled.

This is not a uniquely American system. “Iron Lady” Margaret Thatcher was the prime minister of the United Kingdom during Reagan’s presidency and implemented similar supply-side policies.

Now, unsurprisingly, researchers have shown that extreme tax cuts for the rich did not greatly impact a country’s gross domestic product. It only served to widen the gap between the lowest and highest earners in a society.

Essentially, it allowed the rich to get richer while gutting the middle class.

It’s simple math: If the government collects less tax revenue from the rich, it must recuperate the money somewhere else, either through taxes to the lower and middle classes or slashes in government spending.

As such, George H. W. Bush raised taxes in 1990 despite famously promising not to do so, in part due to the large deficit Reagan left behind. In 1993, Bill Clinton raised the marginal tax rate for the highest-earning Americans when he took office.

With the “dot-com” recession of 2001 at the start of George W. Bush’s first term, the US went back to Reagan-esque supply-side economic tax cuts. According to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, this mainly benefited wealthy Americans.

Data shows that economic and investment growth in the US was lower under supply-side economic policies than in the 1990s.

These conservative economic models have also poisoned the Democratic party which, for decades, has been scrambling to the centre in an attempt to secure votes by pushing neoliberal economic policies.

In a column for PBS News, American economic historian John Komlos demonstrated how the post-tax income of the middle class from 1979 to 2011 barely grew when adjusted for inflation, while the top 1 per cent lined their pockets.

Simply put, the benefit of supply-side economics for everyone but the top 1 per cent is nothing more than a myth, a bedside story Conservative politicians keep peddling to line their own pockets.

Unfortunately, the stories worked, with The Guardian reporting that, in his first term, Trump’s tax-cuts led to billionaires paying less in taxes than the working class.

Researcher David Hope—who wrote a paper analyzing the effects of major tax cuts in 18 countries—said in an article for the London School of Economics and Political Science that he could not find any evidence that Trump’s 2017 tax-cut plan would help fuel the economy.

Trump points to immigrants as the reason why so many Americans are struggling, but the truth is that years of placing corporate greed first have landed everyone in this mess. Trump has, time and time again, implemented policies and cuts to advantage his rich peers while perpetuating harm against marginalized communities in America.

Trump’s most recent inauguration brought the idea of supply-side economics to its logical extreme, with billionaires sitting in the front row while his cabinet members sat behind them. All the while, since he got his foot through the doors of the Oval Office, Elon Musk has been slashing government funding left and right. This was despite his companies benefiting massively from government funding.

The income inequality in the US is the highest of all the G7 countries.

Let this be a cautionary tale.

On this side of the border, populist politician Pierre Poilievre is promising to implement similar economic policies, slashing government budgets, gutting social programs and cutting taxes as solutions to the raising cost of living. It won’t work.

The economic state of a country is much more complex than its tax system. But cutting taxes for the rich and slashing government spending has not only proven itself ineffective in helping the economy, it has shown to only deepen class disparities and inequalities.

It’s not common sense; it’s dangerous.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 10, published March 4, 2025.

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Queer Concordia officially launches gender-affirming care loan program

Queer Concordia has officially launched its interest-free gender affirming care loan program. Courtesy Queer Concordia

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Students will be able to access interest-free loans of up to $2,000 to cover procedure costs

Queer Concordia officially launched its gender-affirming care (GAC) community fund program on March 6, after being refused funding from the Concordia Student Union (CSU) due to lack of funds.

The program has a $20,000 pool and will allow students to access interest-free loans of up to $2,000 to pay for GAC procedures up front.

Queer Concordia senior coordinator Jessica Winton said that, in part due to Queer Concordia receiving the smallest fee levy of any group ($0.02 per undergraduate student, per credit), it’s been challenging to set-up the program with no outside funding. 

“Just the lawyer costs alone are anticipated to be upwards of $3,000, so that’s already a significant amount of money,” Winton said. 

Winton has been trying to implement a loan program at Concordia University since the start of the Fall 2024 semester. She said she feels privileged her parents were able to help her pay for the upfront cost of the GAC procedure that saved her life and wants to help others access care. 

“I know a lot of people who go through putting themselves in lifelong debt simply to go through surgery without insurance, and the fact that we have insurance but so few people are actually able to use it is incredibly disappointing,” Winton said. 

The CSU Health and Dental Plan offers a lifetime maximum coverage of $10,000 with $5,000 maximum per procedure for GAC. This can create a large financial burden for students, especially since procedure costs often exceed $10,000. 

Additionally, according to the CSU website, there is currently no pay-direct coverage available for GAC, meaning students must pay out-of-pocket for their procedure and wait to be refunded. 

Only students registered for the GreenShield GAC insurance through the CSU Health and Dental Plan are eligible for the loan program. Additionally, students must provide Queer Concordia with several documents including government identification, a student ID and a pre-authorization form from GreenShield or their claims history. 

“That way, we can just make sure that you’re eligible, that you’re not going to use this money for something that’s outside of the scope of the fund, as well as just identification to make sure that we have the right person that we’re issuing the loan to so there [aren’t] any legal problems,” Winton said. 

Winton added that the copies of the student’s identification will be shredded after the loan is reimbursed. 

The loans will remain interest-free for two months. However, students suffering with involuntary delays can make their case to the Queer Concordia board of directors to pause interest. 

“Typically, most claims get processed within about three weeks at most, in my experience,” Winton said. “The two-month period is to allow for kind of a grace period where, if GreenShield misprocesses something [..] for, let’s say, a month, there’s still time.”

According to the Queer Concordia website, international students are eligible to access the loan program so long as they have opted into the CSU Health and Dental Plan. The website also encourages students to write to the CSU if they are not satisfied with the current coverage provided by the union. 

Students interested in the program can stop by the Queer Concordia office during Winton’s office hours from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. every Wednesday. 

Queer Concordia officially launches gender-affirming care loan program Read More »

Chews for views

Mukbang serves as a reminder of our physical constraints. Courtesy of Éditions tête première

Claudia Beaudoin,
Local Journalism Initiative

Fanie Demeule’s Mukbang exemplifies the detrimental outcomes of digital personas

Disclaimer: This article mentions themes of binge eating.

There couldn’t be a greater contrast between technology and a physical book—but when these two worlds collide, you get a unique and compelling read. 

Fanie Demeule’s novel Mukbang uses QR codes to enrich her storytelling, filled with references that resonate deeply with those who have grown up online. 

Demeule is a Quebec author who writes in French, with some books translated into English. Her work often tackles contemporary issues such as body image, mental health, social pressures, intimacy and the impact of being online.

One of her latest novels, Mukbang, was published in 2021 and translated in 2022. Demeule introduces us to Kim Delorme, a young girl who is completely captivated by her computer. Delorme spends her childhood glued to a screen, slowly pulling away from the real world. It’s a story that hits close to home for many of us who grew up in the digital age, feeling that same sense of isolation as we lost ourselves in the realm of online videos and games.

The term mukbang originates from the Korean word ‘meokbang,’ with ‘meokda’ translating to eat and ‘bangsong’ meaning broadcast. Mukbangs are also widely associated with live-streamed videos where a host consumes large quantities of food while interacting with an online audience. This trend is particularly popular on YouTube and has been adopted by content creators around the world.

The QR codes are an added layer to the experience, pulling you back to random YouTube videos from 10 or 15 years ago—oddly specific, niche content from that era of the internet;making the story feel even more immersive.

Our main character eventually decides to start her own YouTube channel, beginning with vegan and health content. But when she notices the rising popularity of mukbang videos, she shifts her focus. What began as a hobby quickly spirals into something dangerous, and an online feud pushes her to the edge.

At times treading the line with the unhealthy, some content creators have been shown to gain excessive weight due to the recurring binge eating. Mukbang is all the more relevant today with the recent case of Nikocado Avocado, a well-known figure in the mukbang industry. Avocado uploaded a video on Sept. 6 showing that he had secretly lost 113kg off-screen. His story closely resembles that of Delorme, but with a different ending than the journey Demeule carries us through. 

Demeule’s writing is straightforward yet gripping, moving quickly enough to make Mukbang a book you can devour in one sitting. Despite being only 179 pages long, it’s packed with complexity. Every page is equally compelling and vivid with some unsettling content.

Along the way, we meet side characters who are just as multifaceted as the main character, and we witness each of their inner struggles. They also serve as a reminder of our own media consumption and limitations—often forgotten as we roam the web.

Demeule mixes surrealism with realism in a way that poses the question of what’s real and what’s not. As you read, the line between the fantastical and the everyday starts to blur, leaving you wondering if the events could actually happen. Her storytelling keeps you on your toes, pushing you to rethink your perceptions and explore where reality ends and imagination begins.

Reading a story set in Montreal is always a real treat, and it’s wonderful to dive into the works of local authors who deserve more recognition. Demeule is not just accessible and engaging—she’s a natural storyteller with the ability to make you crave both the food she describes and the story she tells.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

Chews for views Read More »

True crime: Interest or unhealthy obsession?

Graphic Sara Salsabili

Claudia Beaudoin,
Local Journalism Initiative

Consuming murder for breakfast is not the right way to honour victims

If you’ve ever felt ashamed of something trivial you’ve done in the past, or felt as if the whole world was against you, remember—even the worst kinds of people have their supporters

From notorious criminals to murderers, everyone has fans. 

The obsession with true crime is real, and it has only grown in popularity over the past few years. YouTube is filled with creators who casually discuss the most gruesome murder cases while doing their makeup—blush, torture, lipstick shade, cause of death. Does it sound insensitive? It just might be.

While this trend has died down somewhat due to growing criticism over the lack of sensitivity toward victims’ families, it doesn’t change the fact that the true crime genre continues to profit from these horrific cases—often cutting corners to maximize gains.

An example is Netflix’s Jeffrey Dahmer documentary. Many victims’ families weren’t informed about the documentary’s release until after it aired and were traumatized reliving the events. Not mentioning that it wasn’t the first time a retelling of this case had been released as a series. 

More recently, Netflix’s May December, a fictional movie involving a teacher who preyed on a young boy, sparked controversy for its strong resemblance to a real-life case. The film, which came out in 2023 and gained traction in 2024, drew criticism from real-life victim Vili Fualaau. Fualaau expressed his frustration with the media for not reaching out despite the story closely resembling his own.

Big corporations do this all the time, but what does that say about the audience? Who are they catering to? 

Why are we so obsessed with true crime? What is this fascination with the violence? I’m not here to conduct my own scientific research, but from what others suggest, our fascination seems to stem from an evolutionary instinct. We seek out the details of such horrors as a way to better protect ourselves and those around us. We’re driven by a desire to understand the motives of these individuals and how such events unfold; knowledge is power.

It turns out there’s even a term for people who fawn over criminals like Ted Bundy: hybristophilia, which describes an attraction to individuals who have committed heinous crimes.

Another theory suggests it may be the ability to control our fear in a safe environment. Experiencing the intense emotions that come with each new episode of our favourite podcast can be incredibly appealing, perhaps even a little addictive.

Yet, I still can’t justify the popularity of these stories. Sure, I indulge in celebrity drama or other cases to get that rush of adrenaline, but becoming desensitized to the point where you find comfort in listening to horrors just doesn’t feel right.

Fictional books and movies exist for a reason, but when it comes to real-life stories with real victims, is it appropriate to use these as entertainment? Where do we draw the line?

Additionally, murderers often get more media attention than their victims, overshadowing the true impact of these tragedies. A recent study in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences journal looked at 189 mass shootings in the U.S. over the past two decades. Researchers found that many of these attacks were carried out with the goal of gaining fame. 

Unfortunately, there still is not enough research conducted on the subject matter to explain the exact cause of this true crime obsession. It gets harder to define the line between awareness and sensationalism. 

Normalizing or even romanticizing atrocities certainly won’t bring peace to anyone—not even yourself.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

True crime: Interest or unhealthy obsession? Read More »

Navigating the reality of ADHD

Experiences of ADHD diagnoses differ. Graphic Olivia Shan

Racha Rais & Claudia Beaudoin,
Local Journalism Initiative

Highlighting systemic barriers to diagnosis and treatment

At the age of 16, Daniel Gonzalez received a diagnosis of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), a process made easier thanks to his mother’s discovery that he could still see a pediatrician before turning 18.

Now, at age 22, he’s deeply grateful for that timing, knowing how challenging it can be to secure a diagnosis as an adult. He says that, while everyone’s experience is different, he always sensed something was off for him. 

“If my mom never got me the diagnosis, I’d be in a way worse place than I’d be right now, but I also feel like [it] would have probably taken until I was, like, 30 to do that kind of thing because it’s a nightmare, especially how the healthcare system is right now,” Gonzalez says. “I could not imagine myself bothering to go through all of that.”

While ADHD is increasingly being recognized, Canada currently lacks formal data on the prevalence of ADHD in adults. Research from IQVIA, a Canadian health data firm, indicates a rise in ADHD medication prescriptions—15 per cent more people sought treatment from 2021 to 2022 alone. Their research also shows that Quebec leads the country in psychostimulant prescriptions. 

James-Olivier Jarry, 21, looks back on his childhood and acknowledges that his ADHD diagnosis explains a lot—especially when it comes to the hurdles he faced in the classroom. Back then, it wasn’t so much about feeling different; it was about learning to navigate a mind that was always distracted.

“You’ve got to work two times harder to get the job done,” Jarry says.

He explains that his parents had their suspicions early on, but remarks that even a decade ago, ADHD was less understood, and few people were tested for it. 

The evolving understanding of ADHD reflects broader changes in medical recognition. The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence only officially acknowledged ADHD in adults 16 years ago. In 1994, ADHD was divided into three subtypes: inattentive, hyperactive/impulsive and combined. In 2013, instead of strict subtypes, ADHD was recognized as something that can change over time in the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. 

Gonzalez recalls that information on ADHD diagnoses wasn’t easily accessible, and his mother only learned about it “through a friend of a friend.” He adds, “Schools could definitely be more integrated with helping undiagnosed kids. I had to struggle my entire high school life being completely undiagnosed.”

His experience highlights a significant gap in support for students with ADHD, an issue that healthcare professionals echo. In 2019, several doctors in Quebec signed an open letter to other medical practitioners, teachers, parents and the government addressing the rise in ADHD medication prescriptions, urging the public to consider the issue beyond the higher rates alone. Prescriptions don’t necessarily equate to diagnoses and it’s unclear how many people receiving ADHD medications are formally diagnosed. 

A 2024 survey commissioned by the Ohio State University Wexner Medical Center found that 25 per cent of adults in the U.S. believe they have undiagnosed ADHD.  However, navigating the diagnosis process is challenging. In Canada, public services are often short-staffed, leading to longer wait times for assessments. Meanwhile, private evaluations can cost $2,000 on average. This financial barrier can prevent many individuals from obtaining the necessary support. 

Gonzalez also reflects on the ongoing challenges he faces, even with a formal ADHD diagnosis. 

“I made this analogy a couple days ago, but it’s like if a deaf person had to call somebody to get deaf accommodations,” he says. “These systems are designed by people who are neurotypical, so it just seems 10 times more difficult.”

To change his medication, Gonzalez says he needs to navigate a lengthy process, often waiting weeks to reach his doctor after realizing his current prescription isn’t working. He says that this process can be especially frustrating since these medications are meant to be taken daily. 

“They’re not psychiatrists; they can only prescribe. So as someone with ADHD, you have to push against your own disability to figure out what might work best for you,” Gonzalez adds.

In academic settings, obtaining accommodations for ADHD can be particularly challenging. Individuals must first provide proof of their diagnosis. Once this is achieved, Gonzalez highlights that he had to independently seek out the resources available to him.

Concordia University provides workshops for students with learning disabilities, giving them access to resources offered by the Access Centre for Students with Disabilities. 

Registered students with proof of their diagnoses can attend workshops that help them manage their time during studies and exams, develop note-taking strategies in class and learn how to control their anxiety and focus better.  

However, these resources can come with limitations. Gonzalez notes that while he was accommodated based on the support he received in previous school settings, such resources lack transparency on what they offer. 

“It’s kind of like a blind game of chess because you have to poke and see, ‘What’s the most accommodation I can get?’” he says. 

Some teachers take the initiative to address these challenges themselves. Hisako Noguchi, a professor in the Concordia linguistics department, says that the university provides expert-led workshops for students and faculty. 

“I believe I have a better understanding of the challenges students are facing,” Noguchi says, explaining that she applies certain techniques she learned to adapt her teaching methods. 

For instance, she incorporates different colours and uses a standard serif font to enhance readability. She also selects images to illustrate concepts, recognizing that visual elements can aid understanding.

However, Gonzalez points out that ADHD is still widely misunderstood, with the term itself feeling like “a blanket statement,” that doesn’t fully capture the diverse ways it affects people. 

“It’s not hyperactivity, it’s dysfunction. It’s getting overwhelmed easily, it’s getting really frustrated very quickly and very easily,” he says. “Emotional dysregulation is a very common thing for people with ADHD.”

Clinical psychologist Dr. Thomas E. Brown explains in his educational videos on the Understood YouTube channel that ADHD is not simply a behavioural issue. Brown explains that the disorder involves the brain’s executive functions, which manage focus and self-regulation. In people with ADHD, the default mode network—the brain’s active network when the mind is at rest—often becomes overactive, interfering when concentration is needed. 

To counteract that, stimulants are the most commonly prescribed medications for treating ADHD, typically taken daily. However, non-stimulant options are available for those with adverse effects, though the choice depends heavily on individual health needs. 

Gonzalez says treatment has been transformative for him, and he urges others to seek help if they suspect they might have ADHD. 

“I seriously did not realize how much ADHD was hindering me in my own functionality,” Gonzalez says. “You might not realize how much it affects you; I can’t understate how huge it is.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 5, published November 5, 2024.

Navigating the reality of ADHD Read More »

Am I the main character?

Social media is feeding our ego. Graphic Sylvia Dai

Claudia Beaudoin
Local Journalism Initiative,

Social media’s tendency to fuel egocentrism

You are the main character of your life—but can you recognize that, beyond your own perspective, billions of other “main characters” live unaware of your story?

In an era dominated by self-focused social media, it’s easy to get lost in our own narratives, fuelling a culture that is breeding a narcissistic generation.

From a perfectly curated profile for others to see to the constant presence of photos and videos in daily life, egotistical behaviour manifests itself in various ways, making you hyper-aware of your appearance at all times.

I’ve had many comforting moments of sonder—that sudden realization that every passerby has a life as rich and complex as my own. Social media, however, tends to pull us in the opposite direction, making us take ourselves too seriously and convincing us that the world is much smaller than it really is.

A popular message circulating on social media is the idea that anything that “no longer serves me” can simply be discarded. While shedding toxic aspects of life can be healthy, this mindset sometimes feels overused—even misplaced. It suggests that conflicts or challenges, like a disagreement with a friend, aren’t worth working through if they don’t immediately serve our needs. This attitude risks fostering an expectation that life should always cater to us, as though we’re owed a frictionless experience.

On the other hand, “romanticizing your life,” also popularized by social media, is a concept that I actually support. This mindset is not purely a product of the internet. Long before social media, people found ways to add beauty and meaning to their everyday lives. It’s a wonderful outlook to have, but the danger lies in becoming too self-oriented and neglecting essential connections.

Despite being more interconnected than ever, genuine interest in others’ lives seems to be fading. We seem to be in a “texting burnout”—many of us are exhausted and no longer want to answer our messages. I’ve noticed fewer people reaching out just to ask how someone is doing; texting to catch up has become rare, almost burdensome. 

It’s strange that we now rely so heavily on social media to give us daily updates about each other, removing the intentional effort to directly check-in. On the rare occasions that we actually reach out, we leave each other’s messages unanswered for days, leaving conversations fragmented and divided by lapses in time.

Not everyone slips into these patterns, nor do I believe it’s always intentional, but it’s worth taking a moment to reflect on how we connect with others.

When we really look at our habits, we might realize just how much we’re missing in each other’s lives and how absorbed we are in our own.
 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 6, published November 19, 2024.

Am I the main character? Read More »

Basics beyond the binary

Rae Hill, founder of Origami Customs, going through the steps of creating a pair of underwear. Courtesy Origami Customs

Claudia Beaudoin,
Local Journalism Initiative

Rae Hill has spent most of their life reshaping gender-affirming fashion

The remnants of work linger in Origami Customs’ old factory room. 

Sewing machines rest patiently at their stations, foot pedals tucked beneath them, spools of thread lined up in quiet anticipation. The rhythmic ticking of a machine hums in the background. 

It’s a Saturday, and the workshop is empty, its stillness only briefly interrupted by our presence. 

Sitting on a small stool, Rae Hill gently holds the fabric down with two fingers, adjusting their grip every few seconds to guide it smoothly under the machine’s humming needle. Their foot presses lightly on the pedal as the needle rises and falls, piercing the fabric in precise, even stitches. Their eyes shift in and out of focus, sometimes following the seam closely, other times drifting as muscle memory takes over. The machine, the fabric, and their movements become one—a seamless rhythm, a perfect symbiosis. Five minutes to take shape, 10 minutes to hold form, and 15 years of underwear.

Hill is the creator of Origami Customs, a Montreal-based company specializing in creating custom products for a gender-diverse audience. The team is made up of eight queer and trans individuals who are trained in crafting personalized items tailored to the unique needs of their customers.

“We have created patterns over the last 15 years that support people in their authentic expression, but also to make them feel comfortable and safe when they’re using these products,” Hill says. 

The underwear industry has seen a growing demand for health-conscious designs that prioritize comfort and breathability—trends that Origami Customs has been incorporating into their products for years. According to a report by Cognitive Market Research, this shift is reflected in the broader market, where North America accounted for over 40 per cent of global underwear sales in 2024, generating $43 billion in revenue.

Unlike the trained professionals in the workshop, you don’t need to be an expert in customization to get the perfect fit. On Origami’s website, you’ll find an easy-to-follow guide that shows you exactly how to take your measurements. Once entered, the measurements are saved for future orders.

“Even in the manufacturing process, we often have people say, ‘I started HRT (Hormone Replacement Therapy) and my body is really different than it was a couple of weeks ago when I ordered this piece. Can you update my measurements?’ And we’re always happy to make modifications for people because we understand,” Hill adds. “It’s a really beautiful part of working for, with and by trans people in every step of the process. There’s a lot of empathy and understanding for what people are going through, and we’re creating garments that we wear ourselves.”

Origami Customs began as a swimwear business on the coast of Honduras, where Hill took a longer-than-expected gap year after falling in love with scuba diving in a small town called Utila. What started as making swimsuits for themself and friends quickly grew into a small boutique in a tight-knit scuba diving community.

After a few years spent in the laid-back rhythm of Honduras, Hill moved from the quiet corners of the island to the more dynamic pace of Costa Rica. There, they connected with many people in the clothing industry, which led them to learn more about online selling. Using the online platform, Etsy, they tapped into a new audience—bigger than the small boutique they had been running. As the business grew, so did their vision, and eventually, Montreal became the next stop for expansion and rebranding.

Then the pandemic hit and Hill saw a shift in the market. Hostility toward the trans community grew, and they realized the need for a decisive change: to dedicate Origami Customs to serving trans people. With so few businesses catering to this need, it was about creating a space where trans people could be prioritized and understood.

Holding up a ready-to-ship gaff, a specially designed piece of underwear that helps flatten the genital area for transgender women and create a smoother, more feminine appearance, Hill shows me the difference in the fabric. They explain that garments like these, or compression binders, can become restrictive or harmful if not designed properly.

“A lot of my friends were like, ‘We see you designing all these pieces, but we’ve been DIY-ing our own stuff for a really long time. Can you help us design swim shorts that you can wear a packer with? Or like a binder or gaffe?’” Hill says. “And I was like, ‘Actually, yes, this is my specific skill set.’”

Hill’s designs are driven by both function and community needs, blending practicality with comfort.

“This is one of my favourite pieces, it’s a jock, so this is made out of bamboo as well, with a nice thick waistband, double gusset in the front and then, like, a totally open butt in the back, which I love,” Hill says.

Origami Customs also offers free underwear to community partners worldwide, ensuring that those who can’t order directly from the website still have access to the products.

Wrapping up the tour, Hill settles onto the well-worn couch in the dining area, sunlight streaming across our conversation. While they’ve stepped back from the hands-on making process in recent years, Hill’s focus has shifted to advocacy, speaking on topics like gender diversity in the workplace, sustainable fashion and gender-affirming clothing. Despite their enduring passion, recent years have been challenging. Hill highlights how algorithm changes have fuelled an increase in transphobic discourse, from the lack of hate speech moderation to their posts being flagged. 

“When a video of a trans woman in underwear gets flagged, but Victoria’s Secret can post whatever they want, this is an issue that we need to be talking about. Why are people not noticing?” Hill says.

By collaborating with professionals, they’re able to implement new policies and approaches that specifically address the needs of the gender-diverse community, using their own experiences as what they call “a roadmap” for others to follow.

“What we have in the studio is a really specific microcosm and space, where we’ve essentially decided that primarily it will be a place to support gender-diverse, queer and trans people,” Hill explains. 

Beatrice Warner, a customer of Origami Customs and an occasional model for the small business, says that underwear is typically designed with either a cisgender male or female body in mind, even when custom-made.

“It’s really important to me as a customer that I have an option for me, not only coming from someone who is trained specifically to work with bodies like my own but also, frankly, people who have bodies like my own, so they can really experience it for themselves,” she says.

Warner reflects on her initial reaction to Hill’s modelling offer as a moment of clarity. She recalls how it suddenly felt real. It wasn’t just about posing or showing her body—it was about revealing who she truly was. For her, this was deeply connected to the dysphoria she’s long struggled with. 

“I felt not only comfortable, but I felt sexy, beautiful and powerful because I felt safe with the other models, and safe with the photographer because of the atmosphere that was being created, which, of course, was led by Rae,” she says. 

Once the pictures were revealed, Warner said she felt “energetic” about the shoot. For her, it wasn’t just about the underwear or the photos; it was about the incredible energy of the project itself and what it conveyed.

“I feel like there’s a huge gap especially when it comes to queer bodies in the mainstream clothing industry, so it is very important to have a company like this that is actually catering to their audience in a way that actually fits our needs,” Taj Taylor says, a past content collaborator with Origami Customs.  “I was really impressed by the quality of the material, the fact that it’s custom-made and the fact that it’s by queers for queers, I absolutely love that about them.” 

As we lock up for the weekend, the workshop quiets, but Hill’s work is far from over—with trans advocacy talks on the horizon and policy-making projects in motion. Their work doesn’t end when the sewing machines go silent.

“We are trans. This is a trans-run company that’s trans-made, and we’re making garments that are very popular because they don’t exist in the world,” Hill says.

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A night of filthy comedy with Troy Bond

Troy Bond’s comedy is not for the faint of heart. Photo Matthew Daldalian

Lory Saint-Fleur,
Local Journalism Initiative

Bond charmed Montreal with his wicked humour

On Feb. 6, comedy lovers braved the harsh winter weather and headed to see Troy Bond live at Montreal’s Fairmount Theatre.

Bond is a popular comedian from the United States, with over three million followers across platforms such as TikTok and Instagram. As Montrealers waited for Bond to take the stage, attendees had the chance to order a drink while chitchatting. 

Audience member Christy Verville had seen Bond before in New York and jumped at the chance to see him again.

“He’s really blunt and shocking, like his humour,” Verville said. “It’s entertaining.”

Montreal comedian Mike Carrozza opened the night with a good old fart joke that made the audience laugh from the get-go. As he jumped from one topic to the next—from a strong impression of a Quebecois speaking English to possible Ouija board errors—Carrozza firmly kept the attention of his crowd from beginning to end.

“I’m the warm-up guy, so obviously people are gonna be a little bit like, what am I doing?” Carrozza told The Link. “When you’re the first act, you have to get people used to making noise when they laugh, you know, remind them that you’re not in a living room, you signal to everybody in the room that you’re laughing.”

Carrozza was followed by Joey Rinaldi, a comedian and friend of Bond. His self-deprecating humour dove fearlessly into hardcore subjects including suicide and depression. While he did lose the audience at times, Rinaldi ended his set with a bang, setting the stage for Bond himself.

It quickly became obvious that Bond’s comedy is not for the faint of heart.

His humour is crude and crass, mixing elements of lived experience, audience interaction and, at times, political commentary. His ability to seamlessly move from one joke to another while incorporating information learned from the public captivated the crowd. 

Bond fed off his audience’s energy, improvising fresh jokes based on the attendees. His quick wit allowed him to take even the smallest audience reaction and weave it into his act, turning it into comedic gold. He effortlessly blended personal anecdotes with his sharp observations, making the audience laugh, relate and sometimes gasp in surprise at his unapologetic honesty.

Front row attendees Christopher Craig and his son, Finnegan Armstrong Craig, were proud to be the target of Bond’s various jokes, such as jokes about their sexuality and lifestyle.

“I got the front row tickets because [of] the stuff I watch about them. He’s always talking to people and it’s so funny,” the younger Craig said. “I wanted to be right up at the front to get the most out of that, ‘cause that’s really what I came for.”

Performing for over an hour, Bond also understood the importance of silence and letting the audience breathe to really take in the joke. He used this prowess for longer bits like The Micheal Jackson family gag, where he implied that violent parents create successful kids. His comedy was immersive and bold, engaging the audience in a way that kept the experience dynamic and unpredictable.

“The more I’m doing, the more committed to the bit I am or how absurd it is,” Bond said. “It looks like I’m going, ‘Look at me, look at me, look at me.’ What I’m really doing is, I’m going, ‘Stop looking at me. Laugh at the craziness of the bit.’”

A night of filthy comedy with Troy Bond Read More »

Discovering a witch’s craft

Saint-Pierre has lit a shrine to Hekate, the Greek Goddess of magic and witchcraft. Photo India Das-Brown

India Das-Brown,
Local Journalism Initiative

Witchcraft is an art and a responsibility, says the folk witch behind Kitchen Toad

On a dark winter evening, just days after January’s Wolf Moon, professional folk witch Mahigan Saint-Pierre invites me to see where the magic happens.

Candles flicker in every corner, lighting shrines dedicated to different spirits—some of which, I learn, are very private, and I cannot ask questions about. The air is rich and warm with soft ambrosial incense. I set a pack of cigarettes on a table nearby, an offering I’ve brought for the spirits of Saint-Pierre’s flat. Jars and jars of unlabelled oils, dried plants and herbs are crowded on and around a multi-tiered shelf, at the top of which is a small shrine dedicated to the Greek Goddess Hekate.

“Hekate is there in the corner because she just needs to be here for… reasons,” Saint-Pierre says, laughing.

The mysteriousness is something I will get used to throughout our conversation.

Saint-Pierre is the face behind Kitchen Toad, the storefront that has amassed 34,000 followers on Instagram retailing fine sorcerous goods, spellwork and divination “for the Magician and Fool alike.” They have been practicing witchcraft professionally for almost five years. Born “one foot in the grave,” as their medicine woman godmother would say, Saint-Pierre has been interacting with the spirit world since they were a child. The beginning is nebulous.

“It was kind of just always a thing,” they tell me about getting into witchcraft.

That nebulous beginning, though, was not all sunshine, roses and magical herbs. Saint-Pierre describes being afflicted by what they call “spirit sickness”—a condition that essentially strongarms you into becoming a witch. In their case, it was through intense apparitions and dreams.

“It’s something that you’ll see a lot in Indigenous cultures,” says Saint-Pierre, who is French-Canadian and Indigenous, and spent four years of their childhood on a reserve in northern Quebec. “​​You kind of get picked, but it’s not a nice thing.”

Saint-Pierre and I sit cross-legged on the floor, their preferred way to sit and chat. Their cat, Spooky—who is rather more adorable than spooky—watches from the couch. Saint-Pierre describes the kinds of things spirits ask for: tobacco, liquor, and food, like cream, butter and chicken blood.

According to Saint-Pierre, it can get more complicated when spirits ask you to buy a certain piece of property and arrange it to their liking, or when they dictate where a house is built, where their shrine is put, what needs to be buried there and what needs to be arranged. Without discernment, the demands can snowball towards “bad things.” 

“You’ll kind of be like an errand boy for a little while until you step into the responsibility of it,” Saint-Pierre says. “The goal for anyone is to become able enough that you’re not at the mercy of the spirits.”

Saint-Pierre has developed the ability to work with spirits advantageously. They have spirits who bring the folk witch and their clients love, money and career opportunities.

“You can bargain with them, you can argue, you can tell them no,” Saint-Pierre says. “You can also be like, ‘That’s gonna cost a lot of money. I need twice that amount,’ and then you’ll get it, you know?”

What separates pagans and witches, according to them, is that pagans worship Gods, while witches are deeply practical in their practice.

Susan J. Palmer, affiliate professor in the department of religions and cultures at Concordia University and member of the religious studies faculty at McGill University, echoes the sentiment of witchcraft as a practical exercise.

“It’s not pie in the sky,” she tells me. “The concern in magic is the world right here and now, and survival and prosperity and health, and to control your life and your environment.”

However, according to Palmer, Wicca—under the umbrella of paganism—is a movement that emerged from a witch revival of ancient witchcraft, credited to Gerald Gardner in Britain in the 1940s.

“Witchcraft is an ancient phenomenon, of course,” says Palmer, who has taught the Witchcraft, Magic and Religion course thrice at Concordia. “I mean, you can trace it back to the ancient world where priests and priestesses and people, hunters, would use magical techniques for material ends.”

The word “pagan,” says Palmer, was used by the Romans to refer to “people who weren’t Christians yet.”

Saint-Pierre, however, is Catholic, and grew up in a Catholic family that was also very folk-magical. In this way, they are “dual-faith”—a concept they’ve borrowed from anthropological texts.

“We don’t really have priests, so it was old sailors and housewives that did sermons,” they say, describing “weird folk charms” like putting baby shoes in flour bags and having roses grow into arches for protection. 

“Where I’m from, we believe in the saints, and we believe in Jesus and God and all of that stuff, but we also believe in fairies, and we believe in trolls, and we believe in mermaids,” Saint-Pierre says, smiling. “It gets interesting in practice because sometimes you’re praying to a spirit, but then you’re using Catholic prayers, and then that gets kind of funky.”

The folk witch did not initially embrace Catholicism. It was ancestor work—the spiritual practice of connecting with and honouring one’s ancestors as a source of guidance, protection and wisdom—that compelled them.

“Getting into ancestor work, you kind of have to pull on the language that they understand,” Saint-Pierre explains. “When I started doing very in-depth ancestor work, I started incorporating, you know, Our Fathers, Hail Marys and Rosaries, and all of that kind of stuff.”

I ask them about the rows of beads around their neck, one of them with a cross. They can’t tell me anything about them, they laugh. I am not permitted to photograph the shrines of Christian Saints Expeditus and Peter, of hoodoo spirit High John the Conqueror or of Saint-Pierre’s ancestors. The spirits seem to protect Saint-Pierre just as much as Saint-Pierre protects them, a mutual guardianship that appears to be deeply caring.

“I’m not trapped with them, they’re trapped with me,” Saint-Pierre chuckles. “It’s not just like I’m subservient to anything.”

Beyond the practicality, for Saint-Pierre, art is intrinsic to witchcraft.

“It’s called witchcraft,” they say emphatically. “You always end up picking up, like, a hundred hobbies because you’ll have a spirit that wants a specific type of cloth that hasn’t been produced in ages, so then you have to learn how to weave. Painting is big for depicting spirits and icons.” 

For Crowley Balint, a Montreal-based witch who has been reading tarot for 10 years and practicing spellwork since 2019, witchcraft and tarot are deeply symbolic.

“Symbolism is very, very, very important in tarot because each little thing on the card means something else. There’s a reason why tarot handbooks are this thick,” says Balint, holding their fingers several inches apart.

Beyond its art and utility, witchcraft has traditionally had a reputation as a dark facility meant to summon evil spirits and demons to inflict misfortune on others. As a witch, Saint-Pierre turns down most curses and megalomanic requests from clients because, in their words, it’s “a pain in the ass.”

“We are open to performing all types of work, from positive workings to maleficia, although the latter is considered with much scrutiny, and comes at its cost,” writes Saint-Pierre on their website.

That cost is something they touch on with me, describing the “monkey’s paw effect,” where irresponsible wishes have a price.

“Most of the time, if you do magic for a very, very large sum [of money] and you don’t state that you don’t want to harm someone, the only way that can come to you is by someone dying, and that will happen very often,” they say.

According to Saint-Pierre, the age-old saying that everything has a price is very true; sometimes, they explain, it’s a price that you don’t notice until you pay it. They don’t believe in “dabbling” in witchcraft. If you want to dabble, they advise you to hire somebody experienced, because you’ll save yourself “a lot of trouble and a lot of money.”

“Be prepared to feel very out of the loop with the world around you, but also incredibly contextualized by it in a way that other people aren’t,” Saint-Pierre says. “I always say, if witchcraft presents itself to you, then you should pursue it. But if it’s something that you’re seeking out for some reason, you should probably leave it alone.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 8, published January 28, 2025.

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Concordia gallery council resigns in protest

Five members of the Leonard & Bina Ellen Art Gallery Advisory Council resign after gallery director dismissal. Photo Alice Martin

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

Members of the Leonard & Bina Ellen Gallery Advisory Council name Palestinian solidarity suppression as reason for resignation.

Five members of the Leonard & Bina Ellen Art Gallery Advisory Council resigned following the dismissal of gallery director Pip Day in November. 

In their resignation letter sent to the administration on Jan. 9, the members said they believed Day’s dismissal was due to “her support of artists, students, and community groups who have spoken out on behalf of Palestinians.”

The Link received confirmation of Concordia University’s dismissal of Day on Nov. 18, less than six months after the start of her mandate in June 2024. 

Ex-advisory council member Claudine Hubert claims that members were only notified of Day’s termination when reading an article in The Link

“This disregard for our role, and for the institutional safeguards designed to prevent abuse, reflected a profound disconnect and lack of accountability within the administration,” Hubert said.

According to Concordia deputy spokesperson Julie Fortier, five of the council’s eight members resigned. Fortier clarified that the reason for Day’s dismissal cannot be disclosed as labour laws prevent the university from discussing “specific employee matters.”

“I want to reiterate that Concordia always respects its employees’ freedom of expression, as is quite evident from the diversity of views and stances regularly expressed by members of our community,” Fortier said, adding that the gallery has full control over its programming. 

In the resignation letter, the advisory council noted that the university has failed “to recognize the legitimate right of the entire Concordia community to peacefully and meaningfully express their solidarity with the Palestinian people.”

A spokesperson for Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR) Concordia, who was granted anonymity for personal safety, agreed with the members’ statement. 

“When tens of thousands of students go on strike for BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) and continue to get repressed and ignored, it’s clear that the university is not recognizing the legitimate right of students to express solidarity with Palestine and its people,” the SPHR spokesperson said.

Fortier said that the university regrets that some members have opted to resign, but also regrets that some groups have “called on artists and curators to boycott a space that has long supported the role of art as a catalyst for cultural debate, instead limiting opportunities for artists to freely showcase their work there.”

The resignation letter listed a few “disturbing events” that were alleged to have taken place during the Fall 2024 semester. The first was the university’s cancellation of a screening of the film Resistance, Why? at the Concordia J.A. DeSève Cinema on Oct. 11.  The film screening was organized in partnership with the Montreal-based collective Regards Palestiniens.

Campus Safety and Prevention Services had sent Day a “postponement notice” for the screening on the evening of Oct. 10 because of “additional information regarding the event in question which necessitates further review.”

“The ad hoc outdoor film projection that took place instead was marked by a substantial security presence, reflecting a growing trend of securitization and surveillance at Concordia,” Regards Palestiniens member Claire Begbie said.

Begbie believes that censoring Palestinian films compromises awareness of the Palestinian cause.

“Palestinian films can serve as critical tools to teach students and other viewers about both the history and ongoing struggle of the Palestinian people against Zionism and its collaborators,” she added.  

The resignation comes after artists Miryam Charles and Ésery Mondésir led a silent protest at the gallery on the evening of Nov. 21. They were invited to speak about their work, but chose instead to share their frustration with the arrest of two students by the SPVM at a “Cops Off Campus” rally on Oct. 31.  

Hubert said she was in disbelief seeing the gallery used as a temporary detention centre for students and was unsettled by the images she saw afterwards. 

“What message does an institution send when it summons police to its campus? […] For students and faculty alike, watching peers detained within a gallery—or other spaces on campus—instills fear, shatters any sense of safety and fosters anxiety,” Hubert said. 

Advisory council members also mentioned the arrests in the letter, claiming that the university did not protect Day from “numerous intimidating messages she received from external stakeholders and donors, criticizing the Gallery’s embrace of pro-Palestinian artists and causes.”

“What happened on that day is not only a clear violation of students’ rights to protest, but turning the gallery to a detention centre and then blatantly lying about the reason [for] doing so is a beyond shockingly repressive behaviour from the administration,” said the SPHR spokesperson. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 8, published January 28, 2025.

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