Hannah Scott-Talib

CUPEU suspends planned strike for fall semester

CUPEU has suspended their strike set to start on Sept. 3, 2024. Photo Maria Cholakova

Geneviève Sylvestre & Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Staff strike on hold after “global offer” from employer

Members of the Concordia University Professional Employees Union (CUPEU) have decided to suspend their strike that was intended to start on Sept. 3.

The Concordia community was first made aware of the now-suspended strike in a university email sent to the student body on Aug. 27. 

CUPEU is composed of 600 Concordia University staff members, including academic advisors, financial analysts, nurses, IT workers and guidance counsellors. 

The strike was initially set to occur after 10 months of what union members referred to as “unfruitful negotiations ” with the university in an Aug. 23 press release. The strike was concerning the hybrid work plan in place for academic staff. 

CUPEU president Shoshana Kalfon had previously told The Link that CUPEU was contesting the lack of flexibility within the hybrid work plan. She added that throughout nearly one year of negotiations, the university has remained firm on its position regarding the hybrid work plan for academic workers. 

However, the strike was suspended following new negotiations that began on Aug. 30.

Instead, CUPEU has called a general assembly for Tuesday, Sept. 3, to vote on what the union referred to as a “global offer from the employer” in a Sept. 2 press release. The union specified that this offer is not a tentative agreement and that, depending on the outcome of the vote at the general assembly, they may still strike.

According to the Aug. 23 CUPEU press release, nearly 50,000 students would be impacted by a strike. Services such as academic advising, IT support and other student services would be affected during the strike period.

On Sept. 3, all CUPEU staff members will be working and all services and facilities will remain operating as usual.

This is a developing story. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

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Two students arrested at “Cops Off Campus” demonstration

Protesters marching down De Maisonneuve Blvd., chanting slogans denouncing the CSPS and the SPVM. Photo Maria Cholakova

Maria Cholakova & Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

This marks another instance of students facing harassment and intimidation by police

Around three dozen autonomous students led a demonstration in front of the Concordia University Guy-De Maisonneuve building (GM), calling for an end to SPVM officer presence on campus. The demonstration resulted in two arrests.

“Essentially today, people are here to protest against the repression of students and the students that have been unjustly suspended, some of which without a tribunal,” said E.V. Cloix, who attended the protest and has long been in support of the “Cops Off Campus” movement. 

They believe the presence of police officers on campus is sparking worry among students. 

“I think there is a lot to lose for a lot of people, specifically students of colour who feel hypervisible confronting police,” said Cloix.

The demonstration started at 1:35 p.m., with some students wearing paper masks of Concordia’s Board of Governors and chanting “Hey hey, ho ho, SPVM has got to go.”

According to a student representative for the demonstration, who was granted anonymity for safety reasons, the event was organized in response to the police brutality that has taken place on campus since the start of the fall semester. 

“The police force, as well as the Concordia Security and Prevention Services (CSPS), have clearly demonstrated that they are [not] here to protect us, the people, but rather [they are here] to protect private property and the interest of the institution,” they said. 

At 1:20 p.m., demonstrators saw at least six CSPS officers blocking the doors to the GM building and heavy police presence surrounding the university grounds.

At 2:30 p.m., students started marching down De Maisonneuve Blvd., chanting slogans denouncing the CSPS and the SPVM. 

The protest escalated at around 3 p.m. when protesters circled a group of CSPS officers in the Concordia tunnels between the Guy-Concordia metro station and the J.W. McConnell Library Building (LB) and Henry F. Hall Building. Protesters shouted anti-police chants which led the group of officers back towards the metro station. 

In response, the CSPS officers called for backup and began moving the crowd back up the tunnels toward the LB building. As this was happening, Cloix alleged that one CSPS officer began chasing a student down the tunnels. This student was detained by SPVM officers minutes later in the LB building.

Outside the Leonard & Bina Ellen Art Gallery, located in the LB building, demonstrators were met with around 20 SPVM and CSPS officers. At least one other protester was grabbed by SPVM officers and detained, and several other protesters were shoved by SPVM officers. 

SPVM officers then forced the crowd outside onto the sidewalk of De Maisonneuve Blvd. in front of the LB Building, where one officer warned the crowd that further confrontation with the SPVM would lead to criminal charges of obstruction. Chants continued from protesters for another few minutes before the crowd dispersed.

According to SPVM media representative Caroline Chèvrefils, police officers arrested two students for assaulting a university security guard. Both students were later released with summons.

According to Fiona Downey, Concordia University’s spokesperson, the univeristy is “dismayed that what began as a peaceful protest on Oct. 31 degenerated into assault and vandalism.” She further clarified that police was called on campus after protesters allegedly assaulted a CSPS officer who sustained minor injuries and that protesters threw furniture at students. 

“I think it’s inappropriate for there to be so much police presence [on campus] when people are literally just enacting their rights as students to have a voice and be heard,” said Cloix in response to the behaviour of the SPVM. “[We want] to also request that not only our tuition not be used to fund a genocide, but that [the university] still give people a right to advocate for themselves and not just get suspended unjustly.”

Cloix isn’t the only student who feels this way. According to the student representative, the university is acting against its own students. 

“If the university was smart, they would actually tap into the mobilization power of their students,” they said. “If we had support (from the university), instead of repression from our administration, we could actually be mobilizing to help with things like the tuition hikes.” 

The day’s demonstration was not the only sign of students’ disapproval with the amount of police presence on campus. On Oct. 30, the Concordia Student Union (CSU), alongside the Arts and Science Federation of Associations, the Fine Arts Students Alliance, the Concordia, Research and Education Workers Union, the School of Community & Public Affairs Student Association, the Geography Undergraduate Student Society, the Political Science Student Association, the Sociology and Anthropology Student Union, the Urban Planning Association and the Women and Sexuality Studies Student Association, shared a press release on their Instagram accusing the university of police brutality and racial discrimination. The CSU will hold a press conference on Nov.1 to further discuss their statement. 

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Concordia allows CSU to book spaces on campus for elections

Photo Caroline Marsh

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

The decision comes after the union filed a “motion to stay” in court

On Feb. 28, Concordia University officially agreed to grant temporary booking privileges to the Concordia Student Union (CSU). The decision was made after the CSU filed a motion to stay–a formal request asking the court to suspend proceedings in a case on Feb. 27. 

In a letter sent to the CSU, Concordia University’s lawyers confirmed that the union will be temporarily allowed to book spaces on campus, but only in relation to the upcoming CSU elections

This decision comes after nearly a month of dispute between the CSU and Concordia. 

The university launched an investigation into the union and suspended its ability to book spaces on campus on Feb. 6 due to claims that the CSU allegedly breached multiple university policies, as well as the Code of Rights and Responsibilities, during a Special General Meeting (SGM) on Jan. 29. At the SGM, the overwhelming majority of students present voted for the union to adopt two Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions motions. 

In response, the CSU sent Concordia a cease and desist letter on Feb. 20 and accused the university of restraining freedom of speech. The letter also outlined how the union needed to be allowed to book spaces on campus to hold its upcoming elections.

The union gave Concordia 72 hours to rescind its suspension. A week after the cease and desist, the CSU filed a motion to stay to the Montreal Division of the Superior Court of Québec, aiming to halt Concordia’s booking sanctions. 

In the 24-page document filed by the CSU, the student union asked the court to order Concordia  to suspend Dr. Anne Whitelaw and Dr. Michael Di Grappa’s decision which revoked CSU’s right to book space on campus, “until the outcome of the Application for judicial review.” 

According to Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci, the university has agreed to temporarily allow the union to book certain spaces on campus solely for the purpose of their elections.

Maestracci added that, for the polling period from March 11 to 13, polling stations can be booked in the lobby of the Henry F. Hall Building, the John Molson School of Business Hall lobby, the EV basement, the LB Atrium, the SP Building and the CJ Building. Maestracci said that, apart from election-based bookings for polling and campaigning, no other bookings will be accepted for the CSU. 

According to Concordia’s letter to the union, the university will temporarily grant access to booking but would still proceed to contest the union’s allegations in front of the Court. 

With files from Maria Cholakova 

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The toxic cesspool that is online anime culture

Anonymity and a lack of moderation are key points of 4chan’s notorious identity. Graphic Sylvia Dai

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Exploring deep-rooted racism, misogyny and transphobia in online discussions of the animation style

ontent warning: This article contains mentions of transphobia.

In 2003, 15-year-old anime fan Christopher Poole took inspiration from the Japanese forum site “2chan” to create his own anonymous, discussion-based online platform in the Western world.

He called it 4chan, and while it began as a site from which users could share and discuss anime—particularly hentai, a form of animated Japanese pornography—it rapidly transgressed into something much more sinister. 

“[With 4chan], you had a group of people who were really holding onto these ideas and they needed a space to express them,” said Aurélie Petit, a doctoral candidate in film and moving images studies at Concordia University.

Petit pointed to anonymity and a lack of moderation as key points of 4chan’s allure, the freedom for users to post whatever they want with no repercussions, under the safety blanket of a fake name. 

Petit’s thesis, entitled “Of Tentacles and Men: How anime shaped the internet as we know it,” explores the progression of the online anime fandom and its deep-rooted ties to misogyny, racism, homophobia and more. 

But the problematic nature of the fandom, she said, traces back decades, even before the creation of 4chan. According to Petit, the role that online forums have taken in the anime fandom since the 1990s—as well as who is using these forums—is distinct.

“It’s like a way to socialize, very often between heterosexual men,” Petit said. “It was the same on 4chan: for them, it was about translating hentai—because people were watching hentai online in the ‘90s—and then sharing it with their friends.” 

She added that the fact that these forum sites’ users were primarily white, cisgender,  heterosexual men lies at the origin of the online anime fandom’s ties to alt-right ideologies over the years. 

And for one Montreal-based anime fan in particular, this demographic breakdown is what has steered her from previous heavy involvement in online discussions about anime. 

“So often, when I go on Reddit or some other [site] where people are talking about an anime series that I really like, there are so many gross and sexist opinions on it,” said Ayra Megan, who has been granted a pseudonym for safety reasons. “Unfortunately when I was young, I used to chat [on these sites] and naively go along with what people were saying.” 

Megan added that the discussion of women’s bodies in anime on these online forums led to her having self-image issues in her teenage years. 

“In some animes, young women in particular are shown as having big chests but small waists, and they are often [wearing] short skirts or a form of revealing clothing that so obviously sexualizes them,” Megan said. “The way these characters are talked about online, by men, is just appalling.”

According to another long-time fan of the art form, racism in anime can be traced back to the start of the art style.

“It’s really baked into anime from the beginning, in my opinion,” said Embraline Schuilenburg, a 21-year-old anime fan. “It got created as a medium at a time when a lot of these ideas—misogyny, racism in particular—these were common thought trains in society, and they definitely reflect in the work.”

Schuilenburg noted that, as an example, stereotypical and offensive portrayals of Black characters can often be found in anime, as well as racist depictions of other Asians besides Japanese people. 

“[Some animes] will give other Asian characters the classic ‘squinty’ eye, which is really interesting considering it’s reflecting an almost internalized self-hatred,” Schuilenburg said. 

According to Schuilenburg, it’s not just racism that can be found in dated anime TV series and movies, however.

One stand-out example of transphobia, she recalled, stems from the 1992 show Yu Yu Hakusho

The show features a fight scene between a man and a woman, in which the male fighter, Yusuke, grabs the woman’s genitals mid-fight to “check and make sure” his opponent is biologically female. At the end of the fight, Yusuke exposes the woman—who is described as a transgender demon on the fandom wiki page—to his friends, exclaiming, “It turns out our ‘Mrs.’ is a ‘Mr.’”

According to Petit, this deep-rooted alt-right rhetoric within the online anime fandom even supersedes the fandom itself. 

She pointed to an instance involving Arizona Representative Paul Gosar, who, in 2016, edited himself killing New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in a fight scene from the popular anime series Attack on Titan

As another adjacent example, Petit mentioned Gamergate, an online harassment campaign from 2014 to 2015 that sought to shun women within the larger online gaming community. Traits of toxic masculinity within the gaming community are largely connected to the online anime fandom, where similar rhetoric is perpetuated.

Moving forward, Petit emphasized the importance of recognizing the problematic nature of the fandom to prevent furthering it. 

“As long as we’re not confronting this history,” Petit said, “we’re just going to keep repeating it.”

A previous version of this article had miswritten Aurélie Petit’s thesis title. The Link regrets this error. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 11, published March 18, 2025.

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Concordia TAs and RAs to strike indefinitely for better working conditions

Photo Camila Lewandowski

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Following months of negotiations, CREW members are demanding increased wages and job security

Following the adoption of a pressure tactics motion on Jan. 30 and a subsequent strike mandate on Feb. 23, the Concordia Research and Education Workers Union (CREW) announced on March 9 that it will begin an indefinite strike for better working conditions starting March 12. 

The union has been in negotiations with Concordia University for a new collective agreement since the spring of 2024. 

On Jan. 30, CREW presented its new collective agreement to its membership, which lists its demands for “vital wage increases” to match inflation, a fairer workload for teaching assistants (TAs) and research assistants (RAs), better job security through indexed contract hours, and more. 

On its website, the union also writes that it is looking for “stronger protections for members who come forward to report exploitation, harassment, discrimination, or other grievances.”

CREW represents over 2,000 TAs and RAs at Concordia. The vote passed with 95 per cent in favour of the strike mandate.

With the prospect of a strike looming, a tentative agreement was offered by the university at the beginning of March. This was rejected by CREW with 66 per cent voting against it during two Special General Assemblies (SGMs) on March 6 and 8. 

As of March 12, TAs and RAs will halt their work contracts with the university in compliance with the strike. According to the CREW website, a picket line will be maintained two days a week at the Loyola campus and every weekday at the Sir George Williams campus for the entire duration of the strike. Picketing will begin as early as the first day of striking.

The website further states that starting the week of March 16, SGMs will be held every Monday to receive updates from the bargaining committee and, following March 24, receive cheques for the Professional Defence Fund (PDF). The PDF aims to financially support CREW members during times of strike or lockout. 

With no timeline given for the strike yet, CREW’s website states that the strike will end once CREW members vote to accept a tentative agreement reached with the employer.

The Link’s news editor Geneviève Sylvestre and sports editor Jared Lackman-Mincoff are teaching assistants and had no involvement in this article.

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Weekend-long event to promote values of anarchism

Rafales will host various guest speakers, authors, workshops and panels in the spirit of anarchism. Courtesy Rafales

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Rafales anarchist camp invites Montreal residents to participate in anti-colonial activities

A three-day anarchist learning camp is set to take place at the Comité social Centre-Sud in Montreal from March 28 to March 30.

The weekend-long event—titled Rafales—will host various guest speakers, authors, workshops and panels in the spirit of anarchism, struggles against domination, collective autonomy, and revolutionary and anti-authoritarian issues.

“There is a lack of theory and knowledge about movements and anarchist struggles,” Rafales volunteer Tom Desroches said when asked why the camp was created. 

According to Desroches, this will be Rafales’s first year in operation. It started as an idea around one year ago in association with L’Organisation révolutionnaire anarchiste (ORA) in Montreal. He added that, while ORA is in part responsible for the inspiration behind Rafales, the camp itself will be organized and run by a group of autonomous volunteers.

Throughout the weekend, workshops and talks will explore topics such as the history of anarchist struggles, archiving the anarchist movement, the abolition of the state and police, mutual aid and transformative justice, and more. 

Desroches explained that the camp is open to all and has no entry fee.

“We want people from all backgrounds and from all over the place—and not specifically anarchist people—to come,” he said. 

Desroches added that the event will also be entirely bilingual, with activities being translated to either English or French depending on the speaker involved.

According to Desroches, Rafales is being funded entirely independently, and clothing merchandise will be sold throughout the weekend in support of the anarchist cause. 

Given the current socio-political climate of the world right now, Desroches said that Rafales will seek to mobilize people and create a sense of hope. 

“We all see what’s going on in the world. We want to change it, and we want to give people hope about things that could be done to change the world,” Desroches said. “The main goal is to sow the seeds of resistance in the wind.”

The three-day camp will conclude with a free dinner to close off the weekend on Sunday, March 30 at 6:30 p.m.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 11, published March 18, 2025.

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CUPEU rejects Concordia’s offer, officially goes on strike

CUPEU members picketing in front of the Hall building. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

“We feel we have no choice but to make our dissatisfaction known”

The Concordia University Professional Employees Union (CUPEU) officially went on strike on Sept. 4.

Union members announced the strike on Tuesday evening following the results of a special general assembly. 

Hundreds of CUPEU members were dispersed across both Concordia campuses, waving flags, ringing bells, blowing whistles and wearing “‘Concordia Professionals on Strike’” buttons 

The union was originally set to begin their strike on Sept. 3, but it was suspended after the union received a global offer from the university. At the general assembly, CUPEU members voted 59.1 per cent against the university’s offer and in favour of going on strike. 

According to the CUPEU website, the union will continue picketing until Sept. 9 and will hold an information session on Sept. 10 to “share essential information on negotiation and mobilization.” 

“We are taking consecutive days of strike, we do not know when it’s going to end,” CUPEU vice president of negotiation Sigmund Lam said. “It will be, in part, depending on what the membership decides and the university offers.”

CUPEU represents more than 600 university staff members including academic advisors, guidance counsellors, nurses, IT specialists, accountants and more. 

CUPEU president Shoshana Kalfon told The Link on Aug. 27 that the union is striking to oppose the university’s policy on hybrid work for academic staff. The policy only allows academic staff members one day of remote work per week, with the rest being mandatory on-campus work days.

“[The hybrid work plan] for the academic side of the university is kind of like a ‘one-size-fits-all’ whereas on the service side, there’s more flexibility,” Kalfon said. “We’re really looking to allow those who work on the academic side to have more flexibility.” 

Lam says that the union has been in negotiations with Concordia for close to a year. He says that the university is “trying to play hardball” and is refusing to budge on the union’s demands of two days of hybrid work per week for academic staff. 

“If we want to get any movement at the negotiation table, we feel we have no choice but to make our dissatisfaction known,” Lam said.

Concordia sent an email to the student body regarding the strike on Sept. 3, in which the university claimed that students “may encounter a temporary slowdown or reduction of services from some units operating with reduced personnel.” 

Reduced services include the International Students Office, the Student Success Centre, the Student Advocacy Office, the SGW Campus health clinic and the Loyola Campus health clinic.

The SGW Campus health clinic requires students to rebook previous appointments with nurses or health promotion specialists, while the Loyola Campus health clinic is closed.

“We have been negotiating with CUPEU since last summer and continue to negotiate in good faith,” Concordia spokesperson Vannina Maestracci said on Aug. 29. “We remain hopeful that there will be an agreement that addresses the needs of both the union members and the university.”

“This is our first strike. We really have no experience organizing [a strike], so I am very proud of how people have gotten together and organized,” Lam said. “We have a strong union.”

With files from Hannah Scott-Talib 

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Quebec immigration program moratorium closes doors

Pooya Khoshabi moved to Montreal to pursue a master’s degree at Concordia. Courtesy Pooya Khoshabi

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Closure of key permanent residence programs leaves Montreal workers stranded for options

Pooya Khoshabi was on track to securing his permanent residence (PR).

He had completed all his French courses, passed the necessary French tests and had nearly finalized his PR application documents when he encountered a major setback—the Programme de l’expérience québécoise (PEQ) had closed without warning. 

The PEQ is one of the immigration programs managed by Quebec. Like most programs in Quebec, PEQ requires French-language proficiency and is best suited for candidates who have worked in Quebec, like Khoshabi.

Khoshabi moved from Iran to Montreal three years ago to pursue a master’s degree in computer science at Concordia University. He graduated from the program in November 2023 and found a full-time job in the city shortly after. 

Before the provincial government announced the PEQ’s sudden closure in October, Khoshabi had been working towards gaining PR status through the program for half a year. 

“It happened in one night,” Khoshabi said, snapping his fingers in demonstration. “I gathered my documents and I was in the process of filling out the forms and everything, when suddenly Quebec’s government announced that they’re suspending this program.”

The PEQ wasn’t the only program that got suspended. On Oct. 30, Minister of Immigration, Francization and Integration Jean-François Roberge announced a moratorium on the Regular Skilled Worker Program (RSWP) as well. 

The majority of the province’s economic immigrants come from these two programs. 

“[The moratorium] closes the door to many people who have developed their lives, both students and workers,” said Manuel Salamanca Cardona, a community organizer with the Immigrant Workers Centre in Montreal. “These people are at risk of losing their status in the near future—that is very likely to happen to some of them.”

The suspension of the PEQ and the RSWP will last until June 2025 and it comes as a result of the province wanting to “limit the number of people admitted as permanent immigrants in 2025,” as stated by Roberge via social media on Oct. 30. The provincial government also stated that this decision will impact the volume of admissions for Quebec immigration programs in 2026. This suspension of Quebec’s two main PR programs was announced on the same day that the province stated it was looking to welcome up to 67,000 immigrants in 2025.

“My point of view is that it’s a sort of intention to push people to leave the country, like a hidden deportation [method],” Salamanca Cardona said.

He added that just recently a woman had come into his office asking questions about the PEQ and the RSWP. According to him, she felt that the most suitable path towards PR status was through one of these two programs, as she could not find any other way to get a work permit in the province. 

“She had some hope of applying through the RSWP because she’s from France. But as you see, this option is now closed. She came in [to the office] and she was crying. What can she do now? She was very disappointed,” Salamanca Cardona said. “And I’m talking about a French person, a white person. You can imagine the situation for people who have less privilege.” 

For Khoshabi, learning about the decision to suspend the program was especially difficult as he was initially given a Nov. 23 deadline to finish filing all his documents and apply. 

“At this point, I was very disappointed, very frustrated,” Khoshabi said. 

He added that he was not the only one left with a false sense of security with this deadline.

“There were a lot of people who were secured and they had everything ready, and they just wanted to press a button to apply for the program, but they couldn’t do it,” Khoshabi said. “Why do you announce a deadline if you want to close [the program] at any time that you would like?” 

Pegah Abdolkarimi is another recent graduate dealing with PEQ’s closure. 

“I had all my documents prepared, but suddenly it was shut down,” said Abdolkarimi, who, like Khoshabi, came to Montreal a few years ago to pursue her studies, and has stayed since. She too was in the process of obtaining PR status. 

“We have been trying so hard for this program,” Abdolkarimi said. “It wasn’t fair, what they decided to do all of a sudden.”
 Khoshabi mentioned that many people will no longer be eligible for the PEQ when it reopens at the end of June next year. The program, targeted towards recent graduates of Quebec post-secondary academic institutions, states that applicants have to have received their diploma within the 36 months preceding their application. Anyone approaching the 36-month mark for their application this year risks not meeting the eligibility criteria for the PEQ by the time it returns. 

Both Khoshabi and Abdolkarimi have been learning French for around half a year, practicing for the mandatory French evaluation that is a requirement to apply for the PEQ and RWSP programs. The evaluation requires immigrants to pass in four different sections: speaking, listening, writing and reading. Khoshabi and Abdolkarimi both passed the evaluation.

The two expressed that it was an added layer of frustration that so much personal time and effort went into learning an additional language, only for the programs to be shut down just days later. 

Khoshabi explained that one of the biggest motivating factors for him was knowing that, at the end of the day, these French classes would lead to his PR status. He would spend most of his spare time outside of work practicing for the evaluation. 

“Every day that I could have a vacation for, I was studying French,” Khoshabi said.

The government-offered French lessons, while being what she described as a good and helpful resource, were a daily commitment that she could not fulfil given her full-time job. Due to the nature of her job, Abdolkarimi had to resort to spending money for private French lessons. 

Now, both she and Khoshabi are uncertain whether the evaluation they passed will still be relevant by the time the programs’ suspensions are lifted in June 2025. 

Despite her love for the city, Abdolkarimi expressed that she will likely search for a new job outside of Montreal now due to the moratorium, adding that she’d rather not have to pay out of pocket for more French lessons if it comes to it. 

“We are human, we have to decide what to do for our future, we have a schedule,” she said.

According to Khoshabi, immigrating to Montreal was already difficult and he would rather not have to start the process over elsewhere.  

“I didn’t have a family [in Montreal] at first, but I started building up friendships and networking so I preferred to stay here for work, and I found a place to work so everything is good here,” Khoshabi said. “I really like my life here, so [staying] is my priority.”
 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 6, published November 19, 2024.

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The rise of Montreal’s Jewish Left

On Nov. 21, 2024, protesters gathered outside Concordia’s Hall building in support of Palestine. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Exploring the role of anti-Zionist Jewish activists in the current global political climate

Growing up, Zev Saltiel experienced two vastly different perspectives of Judaism. 

On his father’s side, his relatives are of Ashkenazi Jewish descent. Saltiel had always known this side of his family to be outwardly Jewish in their practices and proud of their Jewish identity. Many of them, he says, were also Zionists. 

His mother, however, was of Sephardic Jewish descent, with her grandmother being a Holocaust survivor. In the 1940s, at the height of World War II, this side of Saltiel’s family had been living in Salonika (modern-day Thessaloniki), Greece. During the Holocaust, over 40,000 of the approximate 43,000 Jewish residents of Salonika were killed—around 90 per cent of Greece’s entire Jewish population. 

“For my great-grandmother, she was the literal sole survivor of her whole entire family,” Saltiel said. 

As a result of this deep-rooted history, growing up, Saltiel recalls a much different experience on his mother’s side when it came to practicing Judaism.

“My great-grandparents had been very clear that they were afraid that we would be persecuted again, and therefore we didn’t learn any of our languages, we didn’t practice Judaism in any way that was [obvious],” Saltiel said. 

Now, as an anti-Zionist Jewish activist, Saltiel is a member of Montreal’s chapter of Independent Jewish Voices (IJV). IJV is a grassroots organization grounded in Jewish tradition that opposes all forms of racism and advocates for justice and peace for all in Israel-Palestine, according to its website. And in the context of the ongoing genocide in Palestine, Saltiel says that being a member of IJV has been, in some ways, a form of saving grace for him.

“It can be quite difficult to see people who share a cultural background or heritage with you to be so aggressively defending an active genocide,” Saltiel said. “And so being able to find each other and show up together and have these conversations, for many of us, has been very, very helpful in holding onto our Jewish culture.” 

Yet, it is not only organizations like IJV that reject the principles of Zionism. In particular, Montreal’s Hasidic Jewish community has been active in their condemnation of the state of Israel since Oct. 7, 2023.

“It’s important to recognize that a lot of these groups are anti-Zionist from a religious perspective, and by the ways in which they interpret the Torah, which dictates that Jewish people should not be in that land unless we are invited back by the Messiah,” Saltiel said.

He added that settling in the modern state of Israel goes against scriptural followings. 

“It’s [also] about the violence part, where Jewish people also should not be acting in this manner with such violence—that goes very strongly against Jewish values,” Saltiel said.

Jordan Molot, a fourth-year PhD student at Concordia University’s Religions and Cultures department, says that Jewish communities with anti-Zionist beliefs are not a recent emergence.

“There’s always been a stream of anti-Zionist Jewish thought, or at least non-Zionist-thinking,” Molot said. 

While Molot’s dissertation specifically explores the transnational links of 18th-century Jewish settlers in Canada, he added that he has a particular research interest in the development of Jewish politics in the 20th century.

“We can trace back an anti-Zionism genealogy that goes back to the emergence of Zionism itself as a political idea,” Molot said. “Contrary to popular belief, the popularity of Zionism was not immediate and it wasn’t all-encompassing.”

The Jewish Labour Bund (JLB) was a key movement that opposed Zionism in its early stages in the late 19th century, according to IJV Concordia member Myriam Reed, who has been granted a pseudonym for safety reasons. 

“[The JLB promoted] this idea of ‘Wherever we are, is our home,’ pushing against this nationalist, settler-colonial ideology that Zionism became,” Reed said. “We are a part of any society, we are here, you can’t push us out.”

It wouldn’t be until the late 1960s that Zionism became truly popularized in association with the Jewish identity, according to Molot.

“Following the Six-Day War in 1967, Zionism becomes ‘the mode’ of Jewish self-understanding and Jewish self-identity,” Molot said. “But beforehand, it was very much up in the air.”

According to Molot, the classical secular Zionist narrative of what is often called “the Jewish story” performs a double reading of scriptural myths and historical accounts of Jewish migrations from the time of the Babylonian and Roman expulsions into the present. 

“The most central historical slippage in these readings is its application of the nation-state model into ancient history, wherein the ancient Kingdom of Israel and Judea is seen as congruent to the contemporary nation-state,” Molot added.

And yet, in Molot’s experience, he said he finds that Zionism, for many modern Zionist Jewish people, is less of a material concept and more of an emotional one. He recalls a question a professor asked at an Introduction to Judaism course at Concordia a few years ago, a course in which Molot was the teaching assistant. The students were asked “What does Zionism mean?” and the answers, Molot says, were remarkable. 

“They were saying things like: ‘Zionism is about feeling safe when you walk down the street. It’s about self-determination. It’s about sovereignty. It’s about making sure that Jews are never put in the position of the Holocaust ever again,’” Molot said. “I was so struck that every single example that they gave was all about Zionism as a kind of ideal. It’s an ideation; they see Zionism as the ideological project.”

In this way, Molot says that Zionists and pro-Palestine activists are often “practically speaking separate languages” when it comes to their definitions of Zionism.

For Zionists, according to Molot, Zionism is primarily an appeal to emotion. On the other hand, he said that the Palestinian liberation movement is backed by the notion of Zionism as a very real and material concept. He added that, in regard to the ongoing actions of the Israeli government, Zionism represents a military project and a repressive regime.

“I think the state of Israel is seen as this redemptive project [to Zionists], but what pro-Palestine activists are getting at in their critiques of Zionism is not necessarily that Jews don’t have a right to safety,” Molot said. “What they’re really getting at is the construction of an inherently violent regime; it’s a project that crushes bones and puts bullets in babies’ heads.”

While groups such as IJV have greatly helped Jewish pro-Palestine activists such as Saltiel to find a sense of community among other anti-Zionist Jewish activists, a majority of Jewish people in Canada still identify with Zionism and the state of Israel.

According to a 2024 New Israel Fund study, 84 per cent of Canada’s Jewish population say they are “very” or “somewhat” emotionally attached to Israel. The study also found that 51 per cent of Canada’s Jewish population consider themselves Zionists.

“At the same time that the Jewish Left movement is gaining traction, it’s still a minority in Montreal, and especially in Canada,” Molot said.

Looking ahead, Saltiel says that IJV has no plans to stop its activism for Palestine simply due to the ceasefire agreement that was recently put in place.

“We are not slowing down simply because there has been some version of a ceasefire,” Saltiel said. “We believe it needs to go far beyond this, including an actual liberation of Palestine.”

For activists like Reed, the return to promoting ideologies stemming from deep-rooted Jewish movements such as the JLB provides a framework for the future of anti-Zionist Jewish activists.

“It’s a really important and amazing reclamation that has been happening for a long time, but especially, I think generations now are more interested in their own heritage,” Reed said. “There’s been this resurgence in understanding this [lesser known] history.”

A previous version of this article had mistakenly named Zev Saltiel’s great-grandparents as his grandparents. The Link regrets this error.

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 9, published February 11, 2025.

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Montrealers take to the streets for Lebanon

Hundreds of Montreal residents gathered in Dorchester Square to march towards the Israeli Consulate on Sept. 25, in protest of Israel’s escalated attacks on Lebanon. Photo Hannah-Scott Talib

Gabe Elliott,
Local Journalism Initiative

Protesters demanded an end to attacks on Lebanon and a ceasefire in Palestine

On Sept. 25, hundreds of Montrealers gathered downtown at Dorchester Square to protest Israel’s escalation of violence against Lebanon.

The protest, organized by the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM) Montreal, began at 6 p.m. Protesters banged drums, played Lebanese music and led chants such as, “Say it clear and say it loud, resistance, you make us proud” and, “Up, up with liberation, down, down with the occupation.”. 

PYM speakers addressed those gathered at the square, before the march began along René-Lévesque Blvd., turning onto Stanley St. and then heading along St.-Catherine St. towards the Israeli Consulate.

“For 365 days, we have taken to the streets to demand an end to the genocide and an end to the criminal Canadian complicity,” one PYM speaker said. “From Lebanon to Palestine, we will continue fight[ing] until the end of the genocide in Gaza, until every prisoner is liberated, until every refugee returns home, and until every single inch of Palestine is free, from the river to the sea.”

Since Sept. 23, Israel has escalated its attacks on Lebanon, killing at least 620 people, including at least 50 children, and injuring over 1,800 others. More people died on Sept. 23 than on any other day since the end of the country’s civil war 34 years ago. 

Community members handed out plums to the crowd gathered in front of the Consulate, as more speeches began. Speakers directly connected the escalation of attacks on Lebanon to Israel’s occupation of Palestine and the ongoing genocide in Gaza, stressing that to oppose one is to oppose all.

One protester, who was granted anonymity for safety reasons, spoke about their personal connection to recent events. 

“I’m Lebanese and from the south, my village has [already] been getting bombed for the past 11 months,” they said. “[The current situation] means a lot to me because now it’s getting intensely bombed.”

Another attendee, who left Lebanon in 2020 after the explosion in Beirut and was also granted anonymity for safety reasons, said that it’s important to attend protests demanding that Israel be held accountable for actions committed since the country was founded in 1948. 

“Israel has been committing injustices since it was created. Its creation is an injustice,” they said. “[Israel] has committed massacre after massacre, they’re committing ethnic cleansing, genocide, they occupied the south of [Lebanon] as well, and they just get away with impunity because they’re an extension of the American imperial core.”

The protest dispersed at 8:40 p.m., with Muslim community members joining in collective prayer. Organizers made a final address to the crowd, urging those in attendance to stay engaged and continue their protest and advocacy as the one-year anniversary of the genocide in Gaza approaches.
 

Montrealers take to the streets for Lebanon Read More »

One year since Oct. 7

Protesters marched through downtown Montreal for the Palestinian liberation cause on Feb. 18, 2024. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Reflecting on the heights of activism this past year and the future of the movement

It will soon be one year since Oct. 7.

Exactly 357 days ago, the Palestinian militant group Hamas fired rockets into and re-entered the occupied territory known as Israel, killing over a thousand Israeli civilians, according to Israeli officials. Israel’s retaliation of the event continues, with the displacement of over 2 million Palestinians and 42,000 confirmed Palestinian civilian murders to date, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. 

Reflecting on the past year, advocates for Palestine in Montreal talk about how the Palestinian liberation movement has progressed and discuss where it is now. 

Peaks of activism

Last year, the first peak in mobilization came immediately after Israel’s escalated attacks on Gaza. 

“In the heat of the moment, everyone just wanted to do something for Palestine. They didn’t care what we were doing [or] how we did it, as long as we did something,” said Hassan Ridha, a member of Concordia University’s Thaqalayn Muslim Students’ Association and an active advocate for Palestine. 

“We hadn’t mobilized this quickly and this efficiently until an attack happened, until we saw the death numbers rise significantly within a matter of days,” Ridha said. “So this is when we reacted.” 

Ridha added that, over the past year, another key point in the liberation movement was the establishment of the encampment at McGill University.

“When students came together to say ‘No, we’re not going to get used to what is happening in Gaza, until the university meets [our] demands we’re not just going to sit idly,’” he said, “I think this revived the spirit of many people who weren’t as involved anymore with the movement.”

Ridha isn’t the only one that feels like the encampment was a key step towards liberation. 

“The encampment set a precedent,” said a member of Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance Concordia (SPHR ConU), who has been granted anonymity for safety reasons. They said that the encampment saw a huge surge in student mobilization in particular, and that it set a precedent for what was considered fair protest in Montreal through McGill’s two rejected injunctions to dismantle the encampment.

According to Ridha, throughout the year, collective activism for the Palestinian cause was the most prominent directly following Israel’s heaviest attacks. He said there was a surge in activism most recently following Israel’s air strikes on Lebanon that began on Sept. 23.

“People came back together after they saw the heavy bombardment of Beirut,” Ridha said, “which at least shows consistency, that we are able to come back together [and mobilize].”

The future of the Palestinian cause 

“Over the last year, I think we’ve seen action from the masses at, what I would say, is an unprecedented and an inspiring level,” said Haya, a member of The Palestinian Youth Movement’s (PYM) Montreal chapter, whose last name has been kept anonymous for safety reasons. “People have responded to the fact that the genocide has been going on for a year and continue to respond to it.”

Now, Haya added, PYM is looking to shift to more long-term forms of activism. She said that PYM recently launched a new campaign entitled “Mask Off Maersk.” which aims to target one of the largest shipping companies in the world, the A.P. Moller-Maersk Group. 

“[Maersk] acts as a middleman for arms and weapons shipments to Israel,” Haya said. According to her, by interrupting the logistics of shipping, this campaign will attack weapons and arms manufacturers “across the board.”

Meanwhile, the SPHR ConU member said they feel that—through heightened awareness for the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement—successfully pressuring Concordia, McGill and other large Montreal institutions to divest from Israel is a realistic goal for 2025. 

“We’re closer to divestment than ever,” they said. “[The] BDS movement has grown so much it’s become a [central] topic in the city.”

They added that, in relation to the BDS movement, the next step after divestment would be an academic boycott of institutions such as Concordia. 

“Everyone has the freedom to learn whatever they want, but if it’s at the cost of the occupation of a people, or if it’s at the cost of killing people, then I don’t think that’s academic freedom,” they said. 

Still, activists like Ridha believe that certain important accomplishments have already been made since Oct. 7, 2023.

“The biggest achievement, for me, is awareness—it’s something you can’t lose,” Ridha said. “Over time, people might lose interest in participating in protests or in doing active work for Palestine, but no one is going to go home and forget about the companies to boycott.”

He added that new activists for the Palestinian cause have learned so much more about the movement as a whole over the past year, from the meaning of the keffiyeh to the history of Palestinian resistance

“This, I think, is the best thing we have achieved since Oct. 7,” Ridha said. “It’s the gaining of knowledge that gives us a foundation for the next time.” 

With files from Menna Nayel

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 3, published October 1, 2024.

One year since Oct. 7 Read More »

Canada has a rampant South Asian racism problem

A spike in racism towards South Asians has been seen in Canada this year. Graphic Myriam Ouazzani

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Anti-immigration sentiment in Canada is fuelling South Asian racism online

There has been a steady rise in racism towards South Asian communities in Canada over the past couple of years, and one of the main culprits might be social media.

This year, xenophobia can largely be traced down to anti-immigration rhetoric being spread in online comment sections without regulation, as well as Tik Tok trends that mock South Asian cultures. 

“There’s so much normalized hate towards South Asian communities [in Canada],” said 19-year-old Bangladeshi Concordia student Afra Azreen, who moved to Montreal in 2022. 

Dipti Gupta, professor of Cinema and Communications at Dawson College and Fine Arts at Concordia University, said she believes that this racism stems largely from a lack of acceptance towards immigrants. It’s a sentiment that she said she has experienced herself throughout the past couple of decades living in Canada as an immigrant.

“I think people feel a sense of anger and fear in thinking that somebody is coming here and not following a certain culture,” Gupta said. “They feel that somebody is less than [them], not realizing, at the end of the day, we all need to treat each other as human beings first.” 

During the months of January, February, May and June 2024, Canadian immigration officials refused more visitor visa applications than they approved. The ratio of refused applications to approved ones was the highest recorded since the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

A recent poll from the Leger for Association of Canadian Studies revealed that, in cities such as Toronto, targeted racism towards Sikh Indian immigrants in particular has been on the rise this year. 

Indians are currently the largest demographic of immigrants coming to Canada. 

“There’s a lot of ‘Othering’ in general [towards South Asian immigrants],” Gupta said, referring to Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism. The phenomenon describes how Western culture intellectually holds itself above the East, or Asia.

“This ‘Othering’ has only accelerated in some ways, and has become more prominent,” Gupta said. “[It] stems from a fear that the ‘Other’ is not as educated, or is less than [Westerners].” 

According to Azreen, it’s not uncommon to find social media videos mocking South Asian culture in some way or another these days, particularly when it comes to videos of street food being made in countries like India. 

“They’ll be [making] a cultural dish, and then people are hating on it in the comments,” Azreen said. “People are very quick and harsh to make these comments, it gets blown out of proportion and that wouldn’t have happened if it had been a different culture.”

“It tends to be [seen as] different, and usually it’s a bad type of different,” Ayaaz Esmail said on the topic of South Asian food. The 23-year-old grew up in Vancouver with Indian and Ugandan heritage. “It’s that fear of the unknown, and fear perpetuates hate, which makes people ignorant.” 

Both Azreen and Esmail expressed that, throughout their lives, they have experienced being stereotyped as a result of their ethnicity.

“I’m generalized under a picture of people who hate women, or who hate gay people,” Esmail said. 

As an Ismaili Muslim, Esmail said his identity gets mixed into stereotypes pertaining to people from certain Middle Eastern countries, despite him having no relation to these countries.

“We’re rarely shown the really positive pictures of my faith, [or] of other people’s faith,” he said. “It really sucks because we’re all just generalized as brown.”

On her end, Azreen said she believes that gender plays an important role when it comes to stereotyping South Asians online. She said her experience as a woman differs from those of South Asian men.

“Gender does play a huge role, and it works in a way that’s kind of opposite to what you’d think,” Azreen said. 

According to her, South Asian women fall on either side of the coin—either they are fetishized for qualities that are similar to Western beauty standards such as minimal body hair and white skin, or they are considered undesirable if their South Asian features stand out and are perceived as masculine.

“The more cultural someone looks, the more this hatred is there,” Azreen said, adding that she believes that brown women often have to go out of their way to prove their femininity when it comes to appearance. 

On the other hand, she mentioned that South Asian men are almost always perceived as being undesirable according to Western beauty standards. As an example, she stated that well-known TikTok accounts such as CityBoyJJ, known for doing street interviews in Canadian cities, reveal these harmful stereotypes to be prevalent. 

“[The interviewers] go around and ask, ‘Which ethnicity would you not date?’ And it’s always South Asian,” Azreen said. She specified that, from what she sees, these answers are often given by white women about South Asian men.

In addition to the normalized appearance-based racism she’s noticed and experienced, Azreen said that videos of violent and destructive situations from her home country have recently surfaced online, leading to a rise in ignorant and hateful comments. Bangladesh is currently undergoing a revolution, and the online response to social media footage of buildings burning and collapsing as a result of the revolution left Azreen feeling afraid.

“It’s real footage from my country, and the comments were just making fun of it as if it wasn’t real,” she said, citing comments from the video that stated things like “average day in Bangladesh” or even “average day in India.” 

But when it comes to social media, this type of reception is unsurprising to Gupta.

“We are all sucked into this kind of vortex of social media now,” Gupta said. “If [social media] is used in the best way, it can impact a lot of people. But does that happen all the time? A large cross-section of us believe that it is [solely] a mode of entertainment.” 

In general, Canada has a reputation for being an immigrant-friendly country. But people like Gupta believe that with the all-too-common instances of racism and xenophobia that South Asians experience, this reputation might not be accurate. 

“Despite all the efforts that we put into our system, into our policies, into our education and everything else,” Gupta said, “we’ve not been able to rise above this [racism].”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

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Fighting back against transphobic movements in Montreal

Hundreds marched for trans rights in Montreal last September. Photo Andraé Lerone Lewis

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

Here’s what to know about the wave of anti-trans protests happening this month.

A nationwide set of annual anti-trans rights protests are set to take place on Sept. 20. Here’s what to know about this oppressive movement, and what is being done in Montreal to counter it.

What is ‘1 Million March 4 Children’?

Under the name “1 Million March 4 Children,” the anti-trans rights protests taking place throughout various Canadian cities on Sept. 20 seek to silence trans voices and prevent children from learning content within the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI) curriculum in Canadian schools. 

Those involved with the movement have expressed that they believe that the SOGI curriculum in Canadian schools is “adult-themed content” synonymous with sexual education classes, and is inappropriate for children to learn about. According to Montreal-based trans rights activist Celeste Trianon, this movement peaked in popularity at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic alongside the Freedom Convoy movement. 

Over the years, these protests have been backed by far-right conspiracy theorists and anti-public education groups. One such group, known as “Hands Off Our Kids,” states in its mission that it “refuses to stand by while the government and school system allow sexually explicit content and gender ideology to be distributed in our classrooms,” and that it strives for a school system “free from biases and indoctrination.” 

“They’ve successfully fear-mongered a lot of concerned parents,” Trianon said about these far-right groups. According to her, several of these parents are not inherently transphobic but have been pressured into believing that the SOGI curriculum is harmful to their children. However, she added that the majority of those involved with the Million March 4 Children movement are people who have “absorbed anti-trans rhetoric” and now identify with it. 

How is the Montreal community fighting back? 

In retaliation for this year’s 1 Million March 4 Children protest in Montreal, queer and trans rights advocates like Trianon have been spreading the word about a counter-protest also taking place on Sept. 20. Faction Anti Génocidaire et Solidaire—a queer collective focused on “denouncing Fierté Montréal’s pinkwashing” as stated on their website—is organizing this Montreal counter-protest. 

Trianon said she is hopeful that the turnout for this year’s counter-protest will be better than last year’s. 

“Last year with the community, the response was unfortunately not sufficient,” she said. She added that most people in attendance didn’t know what to expect, and didn’t anticipate how many people would be part of the anti-trans movement. According to her, counter-protesters were significantly outnumbered by the anti-trans rights protesters. This year, however, she believes there is more of a sense of clarity and mobilization. 

“Show up if you can,” Trianon said, “and I’m speaking especially to all the people who call themselves allies.”

Attending the counter-protest on Sept. 20 is not the only way to support the queer community at large.

“[That protest] is not the only option, and I want to make that very clear,” Trianon said. “There are other ways to support queer and trans communities.”

Trianon said that an important way to provide support is to spread awareness through the sharing of knowledge on resources for the queer community. She also encouraged people to check in on trans friends and family. 

“Ask them if they’re doing okay, which is very important right now. A lot of trans folks are not doing okay,” Trianon said. “Be there for them.”

“The anti-trans hate machine runs on billions of dollars,” she said. Contrarily, Trianon added that many resources and facilities for the queer community have little to no funding. 

“Go support a local organization and movement if you can,” she said. 

The Protect Trans Kids counter-protest will begin at 8 a.m. on Sept. 20 at 275 Notre-Dame St. E. 

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 2, published September 17, 2024.

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Concordia shuttle bus service reduced this fall

The shuttle bus will start running at 9:30 a.m. Photo Maria Cholakov

Hannah Scott-Talib,
Local Journalism Initiative

The reduction comes as a result of the university’s financial situation

In light of Concordia University’s financial situation and subsequent budget cuts this year, the university’s shuttle bus service will be reduced this fall semester. 

From Monday to Thursday, the reduced schedule will see the shuttle bus first depart at 9:15 a.m. from the Loyola campus and 9:30 a.m. from the Sir George Williams (SGW) campus, with Friday’s schedule modifying the earliest departure from SGW to 9:45 a.m.

In comparison, last year’s shuttle bus schedule saw the bus run from around 7:30 a.m. to 11 p.m. across both campuses from Monday to Thursday, and 7:30 a.m. to 7:50 p.m. on Fridays. 

“The aim is to continue to provide the service to the Concordia community, even as the university navigates a difficult financial situation,” Concordia University spokesperson Fiona Downey said. “A decision on the winter term [shuttle bus] schedule will be made later in the fall.”

budget update was posted on the university’s website on Aug. 13, explaining that the university is “facing extraordinarily challenging times” and has approved a deficit of $34.5 million for the 2024-2025 school year. 

“If the shuttle bus isn’t coming as often, it’s really going to be a problem [for me],” fourth-year psychology student Soha Hashmi said. “All of my classes are at Loyola, so [I take it] pretty much every day.” 

She added that the shuttle bus was often full when she took it last year, before the reduced schedule. 

“The amount of times I’ve had to stand in line for like 20 to 25 minutes, and then there’s such a big line around the Hall building that you still end up having to wait for the next shuttle, which takes even longer,” Hashmi said. “[It’s] to the point where, one time, my friends and I just decided to split an Uber, and everyone in line started doing the same thing.”

She said that another one of her concerns regarding the reduction relates to the safety of the shuttle bus over other public transportation measures.

“This is really going to impact everyone, but especially people like international students who don’t know their way around the city,” she said. “When you’re new to the city and you’ve never been here by yourself, taking public transport is really scary.”

Second-year student Maria José Jimenez Acosta shares Hashmi’s concerns. Jimenez Acosta said she sees the shuttle as a safe method of transport that first-year and international students can rely on to get from one campus to another. 

“If you have an 8:45 a.m. class, now you will just have to find another way,” Jiminez Acosta said. 

She added that many of her friends have labs for their classes that take place early in the day or later in the evening, which the reduced schedule would not accommodate. 

Hashmi expressed that, while she appreciated the university’s honesty about the financial situation, she wishes there could have been budget cuts made elsewhere.  

In response to The Link’s inquiry regarding the possibility of the shuttle bus being eliminated entirely by 2025, Downey stated that “depending on how things evolve, we are considering all options with regards to the university bus system.”

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

Concordia shuttle bus service reduced this fall Read More »

A look back on student encampments and resistance

Students set up McGill encampment for Palestine. Photo Hannah Scott-Talib

Zina Chouaibi & Geneviève Sylvestre,
Local Journalism Initiative

The dismantling of the McGill encampment was not the end of Palestinian solidarity in Montreal

Over the past year, universities in Montreal and across the world have witnessed a surge in student activism, with campus encampments serving as symbols of Palestinian solidarity.

Antler, a camper at the McGill University encampment, who was granted a pseudonym for safety reasons, was about to leave Montreal for summer break when the encampment was erected on April 27. Instead, she chose to stay in the city to show her solidarity.

“This is a student opportunity that doesn’t happen often. It’s the first encampment in Canada, it was in a school that is already on stolen land, it had a lot of backstory to it that was very important to us,” said Antler. “At the time of the encampment, it kind of felt like it was the most we could do.”

The encampment brought unprecedented attention to the issue of divestment, highlighting activists’ demands that McGill and Concordia divest from companies with connections to the ongoing genocide and cut all academic ties with Israel.   

McGill filed three injunctions in an attempt to get the encampment removed. Two were rejected by Quebec Superior Court judges, and the last was withdrawn by McGill after the dismantlement of the camp by a private security firm on Jul. 10.

“The fact that it was forcefully removed by mercenaries only contributed positively to the momentum,” a representative from Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill said. 

According to the representative, the encampments showcased the unity and power of the student front.

“We had never seen this much media coverage on this topic despite divestment being a demand for the past two decades,” they said.

Antler was not present the day the encampment was taken down, but says she is very proud of what all the campers accomplished.

“Honestly, more than anything, more than disappointed, I was just very, very proud of how long the encampment stayed and how resilient the students were,” she said. 

The removal of the encampments did not mark the end of the divestment movement, but rather a shift in tactics. Activists like Hassan Ridha from the Palestinian Youth Movement are now focusing on long-term strategies that involve coalition-building across different communities.

“When multiple separate efforts are joined together, they become more powerful,” Ridha said.

Despite the lack of meaningful progress from university administrations, Ridha sees the rise in solidarity as a significant victory.

“I consider the unification of students, businesses, professionals and parents a major success of the encampment,” he said. 

According to the SPHR McGill representative, the Montreal community played a crucial role in supporting the encampments and keeping the movement alive.

“The Montreal community has supported us throughout the encampment with donations for what was necessary to keep the encampment alive,” the SPHR McGill representative said. “That in itself plays a huge role in achieving divestment.” 

Currently, activists like Ridha are looking to engage new supporters to sustain the movement, particularly incoming students who may be unfamiliar with the history of the encampments. 

“To engage new supporters, it is important to be as present as possible in as many places as possible,” Ridha said. He believes that by expanding the movement’s reach and involving more communities, the movement can continue to grow and evolve.

“At the end of the day, we are students who don’t want our tuition money to go to the funding of a genocide,” the SPHR McGill representative said. “That is such a simple ask: justice.” 

With files from Maria Cholakova

This article originally appeared in Volume 45, Issue 1, published September 3, 2024.

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